Democracy for Nepal: A Link to Visit
Sunday, December 31, 2006
Friday, December 29, 2006
Government starts preparations for providing citizenship certificates to 3 million
Government starts preparations for providing citizenship certificates to 3 million
The government has started preparations for providing citizenship certificates to nearly three million people across the country.
The government is planning to mobilize 520 teams to distribute citizenship certificates to nearly three million eligible citizens in the next two and half months. Each team will comprise seven members, including a gazetted officer to distribute citizenship certificates.
The mobile teams will distribute certificates on the basis of descent, birth and residence.
Certificates will also be issued on the basis of the citizenship of the mother, as per the recently adopted Citizenship Act 2006.
The Kathmandu Post daily quoted joint secretary at the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoH), Dron Pokhrel as saying that the figure is based in estimates forwarded to the ministry by all 75 District Administration Offices.
The ministry has already placed an order with the Department of Print (DoP) to print three million citizenship cards till January 31. The DoP is using all eight of its offset presses to meet the delivery deadline.
Officials at the MoH said that they are planning to send 50 percent citizenship cards across the country by mid January 2007.
According to Pokhrel, the hologram for the cards will be brought from India.
The new card includes the names and citizenship numbers of both the father and mother and will also give the names of the spouse among other things.
As the ministry steps up procedures and arrangements for citizenship distribution, the Ministry of Finance (MoF) has already disbursed Rs. 60 million to MoH for the purpose.
The government has approved a total budget of Rs. 130 million for the citizenship distribution.
The MoH has arranged to provide life insurance cover of one million rupees each for three months to civil servants going to the field to distributed citizenship.
Tuesday, December 26, 2006
Curfew imposed in west Nepal town following clashes
Authorities imposed a curfew in a west Nepal border town on Tuesday following clashes between communal groups in which several people were injured and several houses were set on fire, officials said.
People from surrounding mountainous areas clashed with local people in Nepalgunj, a border town 500 kilometers (310 miles) west of Katmandu, forcing authorities to impose the curfew, government administrative official Krishna Acharya said.
Acharya said the situation was tense and police had been mobilized, but had not been able to control the situation.
Friday, December 22, 2006
राजदूत नियुक्तीमा एमालेको पनि गुनासो
राजदूत नियुक्तीमा एमालेको पनि गुनासो
यस हप्ता सातदलीय सरकारले १४ वटा मित्र राष्ट्रहरूमा राजदूत नियुक्त गर्ने निर्णय गरेपछि शुरू भएको विवाद अझै साम्य भएको छैन।
अनि अन्तरिम सरकारमा जान आतुर देखिएको नेकपा माओवादीले जस्तै सातदलीय गठबन्धनको एउटा महत्वपूर्ण साझेदार नेकपा एमालेले पनि सरकारले सो निर्णय आफ्नो सहमति बेगर लिएको बताएको छ।
बिहिबार नै उक्त पार्टीको स्थायी समितिको बैठकपछि एकजना स्थायी समिति सदस्य र बैठकको सभापतित्व गरेका नेता अमृतकुमार बोहराले ति दुवै सरकारी निर्णय एमालेको सहमति विना नै लिइएको थियो।
उनले भने- " हाम्रो सहमति भैदिएको भए यि निर्णयहरू फिर्ता गर भनेर हामीले भन्ने नै थिएनौं। सरकारले पनि नियुक्तीका कुराहरू फिर्ता गर्नुपर्यो र माओवादीपक्षले पनि बन्दको कार्यक्रम फिर्ता लिनुपर्यो।"
माओवादी असन्तोष
सातदलीय सरकारले १४ वटा मुलुकहरूमा राजदूतहरू नियुक्त गर्ने निर्णयको विरोधमा देशभरका शहरी क्षेत्रमा बलेका टायरका धुंवा विलाउन नपाउंदै बिहिबार माओवादीले त्यस निर्णयको बारे आफ्नो पार्टीसंग कुनै छलफल नभएको गुनासो दोहोर्याएको छ।
बिहिबार आयोजीत एउटा पत्रकार सम्मेलनमा बोल्दै माओवादी प्रवक्ता कृष्ण बहादुर महराले भने-"हामीलाई थाहा छ हाम्रा अध्यक्ष र प्रधानमन्त्रीकोबीचमा यसबारेमा कुनै पनि कुरा भएको छैन।"
पत्रकार सम्मेलनको आयोजना बुधबार सम्पन्न माओवादी केन्द्रीय समितिको बैठकका निर्णयहरू सार्वजनिक गर्न गरिएको थियो।
त्यस बैठकले द्वन्द्वको अवस्थाबाट शान्तिपूर्ण प्रजातान्त्रीक प्रकृयामा अवतरण गर्ने नयां रणनीतिहरू पारित गरेको बताइएको छ।
राजदूत र मानवअधिकार आयोगमा भएको नियुक्ती सम्बन्धमा यता अर्को चाखलाग्दो खुलासा सरकारको एउटा महत्वपूर्ण साझेदार रहेको नेकपा एमालेले गरेको छ।
यता माओवादीहरूले भने निर्णय नसच्याइएमा केहिदिनपछि देशव्यापी बन्द गर्ने र जनआन्दोलन तीन गरिने भन्ने धम्की त्यागीसकेको छैनन्।
एमालेले चाहिं उच्चस्तरिय प्रतिनिधिमण्डल नै सरकार र माओवादीका शिर्ष नेताहरूसंग भेट्न खटाउने निर्णय समेत गरेको छ।
विश्लेषकहरू भन्छन् त्यसले सातदल भित्रै अनि सातदल र माओवादीबीच पुन: समाधानमुखी सम्वाद प्रकृया शुरू गर्ने अपेक्षा गर्न सकिन्छ।
from: http://www.bbc.co.uk/nepali/news/story/2006/12/printable/061221_uml_envoys.shtml
भेटघाट
बिहिबार नै नेपालका लागि राष्ट्रसंघीय विशेषदूत इयन मार्टिनले प्रधानमन्त्री गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालासंग भेट गरेका छन्।
भेटका पूर्ण विवरणहरू प्राप्त भएका छैनन् तर सुत्रहरूका अनुसार भेटका क्रममा मार्टिनले यस हप्ता भएका उग्र घटनाक्रमहरूप्रति चिन्ता व्यक्त थिए।
Monday, December 18, 2006
Bishwanath Upadhaya new NHRC chairman
The government on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council (CC) on Monday appointed former chief justice of the Supreme Court Bishwa Nath Upadhyay as chairman of the National Human Rights Commission.
A cabinet meeting held at the prime minister's residence at Baluwatar this afternoon also appointed four others as commissioners of the national human rights watchdog.
Upadhyaya had previously served as the coordinator of the constitution drafting committee for the 1990 Constitution.
The other members of the commission are: Udaya Nepali, Gauri Pradhan, Tulsi Bhattarai and Meena Pathak.
According to sources, more recommendations would be made that will include individuals from women, janajatis and madhesi communities.
Sunday, December 17, 2006
सात दल, माओवादीद्वारा अन्तरिम संविधानलाई पूर्णता
हप्तौंको बैठक र छलफलपछि सत्तारूढ सात दलीय गठवन्धन र नेकपा माओवादीका शीर्ष नेताहरूले अन्तरिम संविधानलाई पूर्णता दिएका छन्।
आठ दलका नेताहरूले सो संविधान देशको मूल कानूनको रूपमा रहने र त्यसले राजालाई अधिकार र सम्पत्तीविहीन तुल्याएको जनाएका छन्।
उनीहरुका अनुसार, सो दस्तावेजले सम्पूर्ण शासन अधिकार प्रधानमन्त्रीलाई दिएको छ।
संवैधानिक प्रावधान
अन्तिम रूप दिइएको भनिएको अन्तरिम संविधानकाबारे जानकारी दिंदै नेकपा एमालेका नेता भरतमोहन अधिकारीले भने, "शासन, प्रशासन सम्वन्धि काममा अब राजाको कुनै अधिकार हुने छैन, त्यस्तो जिम्मेवारी प्रधानमन्त्रीको हुनेछ भन्ने कुरा सो संविधानमा लेखिएकोछ।"
सो संविधानलाई अन्तिम रूप दिन शुक्रबार दिउँसो शुरू भएको शीर्ष नेताहरूको बैठक शनिबार बिहानसम्म चलेको थियो।
बैठकका अर्का सहभागी नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसका नेता अर्जुननरसिं केसी ले भने, "राजाको परम्परागत सम्पत्तीलाई राष्ट्रियकरण गर्ने र स्व. राजा बिरेन्द्रको र उनको परिवारको सम्पत्तीलाई कोषको रूपमा विकसित गर्ने निर्णय पनि संविधानमा पारिएको छ।"
अन्तरिम संविधानबारे दल तथा माओवादहरूबीच निर्माण भएको सहमतिलाई गत महिना दुवै पक्षबीच भएको विस्तृत शान्ति सम्झौतापछिको दोस्रो महत्वपूर्ण खुड्कीलो मानिएको छ।
सो दस्तावेजमा दुवै पक्षले सही गरेको भएतापनि हतियार तथा सैन्य व्यवस्थापनपछि मात्रै त्यो लागु हुने बताइएको छ।
हतियार तथा सैन्य व्यवस्थापनबारे सम्झौतामा पुगेका दल र माओवादीले सो कामको अनुगमन गर्न सहमत भएको राष्ट्रसंघीय अनुगमनकर्ताहरूको नेपाल आगमनको प्रतिक्षा गरिरहेका छन्।
Saturday, December 16, 2006
God king pays tax for first time
King Gyanendra of Nepal and his son, Crown Prince Paras, have been forced to pay tax - for the first time in the history of the monarchy.
Officials at Kathmandu's international airport say the king and the prince were charged customs duties on imported goods this week.
The king, revered as a Hindu god by many followers, had his powers stripped away by the government this year.
He was forced to surrender absolute power after weeks of street protests.
Previous constitutions have exempted the king from paying tax. But in May, parliament removed the exemption.
'According to law'
"The customs office at the Tribhuvan International Airport charged a total of 130,893 rupees ($1,817 dollars) as duty and tax to release 50 torches and a hunting trophy," Lok Darshan Regmi, the head of the airport customs department said, the AFP news agency reports.
"Palace officials took away the parcel after paying the amount Wednesday. We imposed the tax according to the law," Mr Regmi said.
It is not clear why the king wanted so many torches.
The BBC's Charles Haviland in Kathmandu says the tax payment is the latest in a series of humiliating blows for the king.
His extensive lands are to be nationalised. Parliament has also taken on the right to decide who succeeds to the throne if the monarchy survives.
King Gyanendra seized power in a royal coup in 2005, saying that the civilian government was failing to deal with the Maoist insurgency.
But the Maoists and a seven-party opposition grouping formed an alliance to end his rule.
A constituent assembly is due to be established next year that will decide on whether the monarchy should be abolished.
Wednesday, December 13, 2006
Nepal cabinet to be named once rebel arms sealed: PM
Nepal's Maoists will only be included in an interim government after their arms are locked in stores under U.N. supervision, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala said on Monday.
Last month, the government and Maoist guerrillas signed a landmark peace deal declaring an end to a decade-old conflict in which more than 13,000 people died.
The deal envisaged the Maoists joining an interim cabinet and confining their fighters to camps, as well as locking arms in containers monitored by the United Nations.
But uncertainty over the storage of weapons and jockeying between the rebels and the political parties meant a December 1 deadline for the Maoists to join the interim government was missed.
"The interim government will be formed after the arms management. There will also be an interim parliament then," the 85-year-old Koirala said on Nepal Television.
The United Nations has said that up to 35 monitors are likely to begin work this month but that the full monitoring mission would take more time. It has not given a specific timeframe.
Koirala said elections for a special assembly to map the impoverished Himalayan nation's political future, draft a constitution and decide the fate of the monarchy would be held in June 2007.
But the Maoists said linking the interim cabinet to the completion of the U.N. monitoring mission -- especially when the global body had not set a specific timeframe -- could delay not only the formation of the new government, but also the elections.
"This is against the agreement and understanding between us and the government," Maoist leader Dev Gurung, a rebel negotiator, said.
"The delay will only help those forces that want to sabotage the planned elections for the constituent assembly by mid-June. If the election is not held on time the situation will be very serious," he added, without elaborating.
Narayan Wagle, editor of the widely read daily, Kantipur, said the wrangling was unlikely to derail the peace process, which began in May.
"The Maoists are basically pressing the government to speed up the election process," he said. "There is an anti-king wave now and the Maoists want to cash in on this. They don't want elections to be delayed."
King Gyanendra was forced to cede absolute power in April after mass protests, organized by the political parties but supported by the rebels.
Under the peace deal, the state's army will also be confined to barracks and an equal number of its arms stored.
"The exact number of our arms to be stored will be known only after the U.N. verifies the Maoist weapons," army spokesman Ananta Bahadur Thebe told reporters.
Tuesday, December 12, 2006
PM Koirala meets UML general secy., NC (D) president
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala held discussions with General Secretary of CPN-UML Madhav Kumar Nepal and President of Nepali Congress (Democratic) Sher Bahadur Deuba about current political situation of the country.
According to reports, both the meetings basically concentrated on the issues of finalizing the interim constitution and meetings of top leaders of the eight political parties slated for Wednesday, among others.
According to reports, both the meetings basically concentrated on the issues of finalizing the interim constitution and meetings of top leaders of the eight political parties slated for Wednesday, among others.
The Prime Minister and UML general secretary Nepal discussed about the issues that are yet to be settled in the interim constitution.
According to radio reports, PM Koirala refused the suggestion of UML General Secy. to be the head of the state during interim period, adding there is no hurry to doing so.
The ruling seven party alliance and the Maoists are yet to find consensus in issues like head of the state in transitional phase and procedures of the elections of the constituent assembly, among others.
The talks teams of both the government and Maoists submitted the draft of the interim constitution to top leaders of the eight political parties to find consensus in some key issues.
The meeting of the top leaders of the political parties was fixed for 2 p.m. on Wednesday after the meeting between PM Koirala and UML general secretary Nepal.
According to radio reports, PM Koirala refused the suggestion of UML General Secy. to be the head of the state during interim period, adding there is no hurry to doing so.
The ruling seven party alliance and the Maoists are yet to find consensus in issues like head of the state in transitional phase and procedures of the elections of the constituent assembly, among others.
The talks teams of both the government and Maoists submitted the draft of the interim constitution to top leaders of the eight political parties to find consensus in some key issues.
The meeting of the top leaders of the political parties was fixed for 2 p.m. on Wednesday after the meeting between PM Koirala and UML general secretary Nepal.
Similarly, the meeting between PM Koirala and NC (D) President Deuba concentrated on the issue of promulgating the interim constitution and Maoist arms management.
Deuba said that it would be difficult to promulgate the interim constitution before arms management.
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on Sunday said that interim constitution cannot be promulgated before the completion of arms management.
Deuba said that it would be difficult to promulgate the interim constitution before arms management.
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on Sunday said that interim constitution cannot be promulgated before the completion of arms management.
Similarly, the meeting between PM Koirala and NC (D) President Deuba concentrated on the issue of promulgating the interim constitution and Maoist arms management.
Deuba said that it would be difficult to promulgate the interim constitution before arms management.
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on Sunday said that interim constitution cannot be promulgated before the completion of arms management.
Deuba said that it would be difficult to promulgate the interim constitution before arms management.
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on Sunday said that interim constitution cannot be promulgated before the completion of arms management.
Saturday, December 09, 2006
PSC can monitor appointments at corporations, army and police: Shakya
Chairman of the Public Service Commission (PSC) has said that the PSC can monitor the appointment of officials in government-owned corporations, army and police only if the government can provide it with more facilities.
“We are ready to monitor the appointment of officials in the government-owned corporations, the army and the police,” reports quoted PSC chairman, Tirthaman Shakya as saying.
Speaking at a meeting organised by the parliamentary State Affairs Committee (SAC) on Friday to discuss the draft of the Civil Service Bill 2006 he also urged the SAC to give authority to the PSC to select secretaries of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority and the Election Commission so as to ensure further independence of the constitutional bodies.
Members of Parliament Pradeep Nepal, Hom Nath Dahal and Umakanta Chaudhary urged the PSC to take up the task of selecting officials in government-owned corporations, army and the police forces.
Currently, the PAC only conducts examinations for the selection of civil servants.
The debate o providing authority to PSC to select officials at government corporations and Army and Police started following reports that selections in these institutions are not transparent.
“We are ready to monitor the appointment of officials in the government-owned corporations, the army and the police,” reports quoted PSC chairman, Tirthaman Shakya as saying.
Speaking at a meeting organised by the parliamentary State Affairs Committee (SAC) on Friday to discuss the draft of the Civil Service Bill 2006 he also urged the SAC to give authority to the PSC to select secretaries of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority and the Election Commission so as to ensure further independence of the constitutional bodies.
Members of Parliament Pradeep Nepal, Hom Nath Dahal and Umakanta Chaudhary urged the PSC to take up the task of selecting officials in government-owned corporations, army and the police forces.
Currently, the PAC only conducts examinations for the selection of civil servants.
The debate o providing authority to PSC to select officials at government corporations and Army and Police started following reports that selections in these institutions are not transparent.
Thursday, December 07, 2006
CPN fighters suffering from diseases in cantonment in eastern Nepal
Pneumonia, fever and skin diseases are spreading in a temporary camp of armed forces of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) (formerly known as guerilla) in eastern Jhapa district, The Himalayan Times reported here on Thursday.
"These diseases are spreading in the camp for last four days due to cold weather," the local English language newspaper quoted Naresh, military secretary at the camp, as saying.
"Hundreds of our comrades are suffering from fever, respiratory as well as skin diseases," he said.
He said that they were neither made available services from doctors nor sufficient medicines.
However, Ganesh Adhikari, who is in charge of the local camp management office, said that he was unaware of the spread of the disease.
A total of 850 CPN soldiers are staying in the camp where they are sleeping in plastic tents.
"These diseases are spreading in the camp for last four days due to cold weather," the local English language newspaper quoted Naresh, military secretary at the camp, as saying.
"Hundreds of our comrades are suffering from fever, respiratory as well as skin diseases," he said.
He said that they were neither made available services from doctors nor sufficient medicines.
However, Ganesh Adhikari, who is in charge of the local camp management office, said that he was unaware of the spread of the disease.
A total of 850 CPN soldiers are staying in the camp where they are sleeping in plastic tents.
Wednesday, December 06, 2006
Nepal’s Newly Peaceful Maoists Set Up Camp and Wait
An emblem of Nepal’s next test of peace sits here, a short hike from the banks of the Bheri River, in this forested patch of midwestern hill where a war between the government and Maoist rebels has cut a wide swath of suffering for 10 years.
This is where the rebels are building one of the 22 camps where they have promised, under United Nations supervision, to sequester their troops, lock up their guns and dump their homemade bombs. Their cantonment, on a large campus of open fields and small squat buildings, was once a government-run agricultural research center.
Now a young woman in an Eminem T-shirt digs a trench for a sentry post. A team clears brush to set up a running track. A dozen cadres loll under the warm winter sun. A small army of tailors stitch new uniforms — almost exact replicas, they say proudly, of what Nepalese soldiers wear.
The legacy of conflict, which left a death toll of more than 13,000, is still raw in these parts. Getting to the camp means crossing the river in a dugout canoe, jostling for space with goats or a load of blankets for the rebels. There used to be a footbridge, but the Maoists destroyed it two years ago, hacking it apart piece by piece with a saw.
How Nepal manages to wean away its insurgents from destroying bridges to earning a living is a daunting challenge. Few countries are as poor as this one. Besides, rebel leaders want jobs for their fighters in a new national army, a prospect rife with political and logistical difficulties.
For now the Maoists are keeping their options open and the keys to their guns in hand.
Under a novel agreement with the government and the United Nations, they are to deposit their weapons in padlocked containers at each of the cantonments like this one. They will hold the keys, but their gun closets will be closely watched. Floodlights will shine each night. Surveillance cameras and burglar alarms will be installed.
For the sake of at least symbolic reciprocity, the Nepalese Army has promised to keep an equal number of its soldiers in their barracks.
An initial team of 35 United Nations monitors is expected to trickle in by the end of the year to oversee the Maoist and the army barracks alike, followed by an assessment team to determine the final size of the United Nations mission.
The sooner the monitors come, from the vantage point of Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula, the better. “Otherwise it will be a problem for us, for the peace process,” he warned. “There will be doubts. New questions will arise, and suspicion.”
His apprehension is a measure of the still delicate efforts to end the civil war. An accord signed in mid-November allows the Maoists to join the interim government, followed by elections for a special assembly to rewrite the Constitution.
The assembly’s most charged task will be to decide whether the monarchy is to survive in this erstwhile Hindu kingdom. The rebels have made its abolition their chief goal, but they have promised to abide by the election results.
How many fighters the rebels actually have is a matter of contention. They claim 35,000; the government says the number is closer to 12,000. The army has 90,000 troops, and the Maoists want it shrunk by half.
Doubts persist on both sides.
Under the arms deal, only those who were part of the fighting forces before May are allowed to stay in these camps and become eligible for any disarmament package. But the Maoists are accused of drumming up new recruits to inflate their numbers and gain leverage in the negotiations.
Rebel leaders deny the accusation. The commander in charge of the Dashrathpur camp, a friendly man in a gray tracksuit who gave his name as Deepak and who could be mistaken for a suburban soccer dad, called such reports propaganda.
Dashrathpur one recent afternoon was chock-full of young rebel cadres, who were playing board games in the streets, marching in long columns with ancient rifles slung on their shoulders or hauling their new blankets up from the river’s edge.
During roll call it seemed plain that a great many were novices at revolution. They could hardly march in time, which explains why the drill sergeant repeatedly tried to banish a journalist from watching.
Now a young woman in an Eminem T-shirt digs a trench for a sentry post. A team clears brush to set up a running track. A dozen cadres loll under the warm winter sun. A small army of tailors stitch new uniforms — almost exact replicas, they say proudly, of what Nepalese soldiers wear.
The legacy of conflict, which left a death toll of more than 13,000, is still raw in these parts. Getting to the camp means crossing the river in a dugout canoe, jostling for space with goats or a load of blankets for the rebels. There used to be a footbridge, but the Maoists destroyed it two years ago, hacking it apart piece by piece with a saw.
How Nepal manages to wean away its insurgents from destroying bridges to earning a living is a daunting challenge. Few countries are as poor as this one. Besides, rebel leaders want jobs for their fighters in a new national army, a prospect rife with political and logistical difficulties.
For now the Maoists are keeping their options open and the keys to their guns in hand.
Under a novel agreement with the government and the United Nations, they are to deposit their weapons in padlocked containers at each of the cantonments like this one. They will hold the keys, but their gun closets will be closely watched. Floodlights will shine each night. Surveillance cameras and burglar alarms will be installed.
For the sake of at least symbolic reciprocity, the Nepalese Army has promised to keep an equal number of its soldiers in their barracks.
An initial team of 35 United Nations monitors is expected to trickle in by the end of the year to oversee the Maoist and the army barracks alike, followed by an assessment team to determine the final size of the United Nations mission.
The sooner the monitors come, from the vantage point of Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula, the better. “Otherwise it will be a problem for us, for the peace process,” he warned. “There will be doubts. New questions will arise, and suspicion.”
His apprehension is a measure of the still delicate efforts to end the civil war. An accord signed in mid-November allows the Maoists to join the interim government, followed by elections for a special assembly to rewrite the Constitution.
The assembly’s most charged task will be to decide whether the monarchy is to survive in this erstwhile Hindu kingdom. The rebels have made its abolition their chief goal, but they have promised to abide by the election results.
How many fighters the rebels actually have is a matter of contention. They claim 35,000; the government says the number is closer to 12,000. The army has 90,000 troops, and the Maoists want it shrunk by half.
Doubts persist on both sides.
Under the arms deal, only those who were part of the fighting forces before May are allowed to stay in these camps and become eligible for any disarmament package. But the Maoists are accused of drumming up new recruits to inflate their numbers and gain leverage in the negotiations.
Rebel leaders deny the accusation. The commander in charge of the Dashrathpur camp, a friendly man in a gray tracksuit who gave his name as Deepak and who could be mistaken for a suburban soccer dad, called such reports propaganda.
Dashrathpur one recent afternoon was chock-full of young rebel cadres, who were playing board games in the streets, marching in long columns with ancient rifles slung on their shoulders or hauling their new blankets up from the river’s edge.
During roll call it seemed plain that a great many were novices at revolution. They could hardly march in time, which explains why the drill sergeant repeatedly tried to banish a journalist from watching.
Read the full version there in:
Monday, December 04, 2006
NA concerned over reports of irregularities in ration contracts; inquiry launched
Nepal Army (NA) today said it was seriously concerned over the media reports about irregularities in contracts for supply of ration to barracks in mid-western region and the alleged threat to some of the contractors by army officers.
A press statement issued by the Directorate of Public Relations (DPR) of the army said tender for ration supply to the No. 24 Brigade in Jumla district has been reopened as the deadline of the first tender notice expired without any bidder coming up with a proposal.
The NA also announced that an inquiry board has been set up under Colonel Shekhar Singh Basnyat, who heads the army’s ration and transportation department, to look into the complaints of irregularities in army barracks in Rukum and Dailekh.
A report in Katipur daily on Monday said some of the bidders were facing threats from army commanders in Rukkum, Jumla and Dailekh districts, who wanted to award the ration tender to bidders quoting higher amount -- with a motive of pocketing hefty sum of commission.
The contractors said army officers of the Bhairabi Dal Battalion in Rukkum, the 24th Brigade in Jumla and Bhawani Box Battalion in Dailekh had been pressurizing them to withdraw their applications. The army officials also threatened to shoot down those refusing to withdraw their proposals.
Kantipur quoted Ram Bahadur Bhandari, a Nepalgunj-based ration supplier, as saying that Lt Colonel Bishnu Prasad Chapagain of the Bhairabi Dal Battalion had been pressuring him to withdraw his application registered at the District Administration Office.
“Earlier, even the local administration had barred us from registering the tender. We managed to register applications for tender only after the leaders of the eight parties asked the district administration to accept the applications,” Bhandari said, adding that some of the contractors were facing life threats from greedy army commanders.
UN agencies to start campaign for IDPs
With the objective of highlighting that all persons who have been displaced by the conflict should be able to voluntarily return home safely, in a dignified and sustainable way, the UN agencies are set to launch a three-week media campaign.
Stating that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) has offered "an opportunity to resolve this hidden legacy of the conflict," the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), OHCHR (Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees) and OCHA (Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs) have joined hands in this campaign.
The campaign – which Nepali people will be able to watch on television and listen on radio – will appeal for ensuring conditions on the ground that ensure the conditions exist for displaced persons to return voluntarily to their homes.
"We want to underscore two points in our campaign – that the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) come from all kinds of social and political background and all of the IDPs have the right to return voluntarily to their places," said Kieran Dwyer, an official at the OHCHR-Nepal.
According to various estimates, there are between 200,000 to 250,000 IDPs in Nepal. "We don't know how many of them have returned in the past eight months of ceasefire. In some districts, around 90 percent of them have returned while in others the figure is very low. Many of them continue to face threats of persecution and have lost all their moveable properties, which have stopped them from returning," said Bjorn Pettersson, Internal Displacement Advisor at the OHCHR-Nepal.
Petterson said that the government should introduce concrete operational plan including packages of material assistance to help the IDPs.
Likewise, Michele Manca di Nissa, official of the UNHCR, said that while it is the primary responsibility of the state to take care of IDPs, the UN was willing to assist the state in this. Hanne Melfald of OCHA said many of the IDPs have blended very well with the community leading to the difficulty in ascertaining their actual number.
The campaign – which Nepali people will be able to watch on television and listen on radio – will appeal for ensuring conditions on the ground that ensure the conditions exist for displaced persons to return voluntarily to their homes.
"We want to underscore two points in our campaign – that the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) come from all kinds of social and political background and all of the IDPs have the right to return voluntarily to their places," said Kieran Dwyer, an official at the OHCHR-Nepal.
According to various estimates, there are between 200,000 to 250,000 IDPs in Nepal. "We don't know how many of them have returned in the past eight months of ceasefire. In some districts, around 90 percent of them have returned while in others the figure is very low. Many of them continue to face threats of persecution and have lost all their moveable properties, which have stopped them from returning," said Bjorn Pettersson, Internal Displacement Advisor at the OHCHR-Nepal.
Petterson said that the government should introduce concrete operational plan including packages of material assistance to help the IDPs.
Likewise, Michele Manca di Nissa, official of the UNHCR, said that while it is the primary responsibility of the state to take care of IDPs, the UN was willing to assist the state in this. Hanne Melfald of OCHA said many of the IDPs have blended very well with the community leading to the difficulty in ascertaining their actual number.
Saturday, December 02, 2006
भैरवनाथ गणका दुई सय छैसठ्ठी दिन
This article is fully featured from kantipur National daily.
Written by:गणेश ढकाल
सन् २००३ मा पक्राउ गरी राजधानीको भैरवनाथगणमा बेपत्ता पारिएका वा हत्या गरिएका भनिएकाहरूको स्थिति पत्ता लगाउन सरकारले छानबिन आयोग गठन गर्यो । तर त्यसले वास्तविकतालाई पर धकेल्दै हत्या वा बेपत्तामा संलग्न सेनाको मनोबल उच्च बनाएको छ । संयोगले बाँच्न सफल अर्थात् घटनाका जीवित साक्षीहरूलाई अहिले पनि पंगु बनाउने काम नेपाल सरकारले गरिरहेको छ ।
म्ा लगायत अन्य तीन जनालाई २००३ डिसेम्बर ३ मा राजधानीको घट्टेकुलो हाइट घर नं ४४९/ ८१ बाट शाही सेनाका कर्नेल राजु बस्नेतको नेतृत्वमा अपहरण शैलीमा गिरफ्तार गरिएको थियो । अख्तियार प्रमुख सूर्यनाथ उपाध्यायको घर नजिकै राजभण्डारीको घरमा म बस्थेँ । मेरो स्थायी घर ओख्रे २, तेह्रथुम हो र म मैतीदेवी उच्च माध्यमिक विद्यालयमा पढाउँथ्ोँ र त्रिचन्द्र कलेजमा पढ्थेँ ।
त्यसदिन बेलुका ५.१५ बजे म लगायत शिक्षक साथी रमेशप्रसाद गुरागाईं, कृष्णराज केसी र निश्चल नकर्मीलाई मेरो कोठाबाट गिरफ्तार गरियो । शिक्षकद्वय मसँग परिचित व्यtmि हुन् भने निश्चल नकर्मीसँग पहिलोपटक चिनजान भएको थियो ।
आँखामा कालो पट्टी बाँधी पाता कसेर हामीलाई सेतो भ्यानमा लैजाँदा कमाण्डर राजु बस्नेतले निश्चललाई धम्की दिँदै थिए, 'तँलाई पक्रेर हामीले ठूलो विजय गर्यौं । हामी जे पनि गर्न सक्छौं, तर मार्दैनौं ।' भाग्यवश् म र अन्य दुई शिक्षक बाँच्यौं, तर निश्चलको अवस्था अझै अज्ञात छ ।
मानवअधिकार सम्बन्धी राष्ट्रसंघीय उच्च आयोग -ओएचसीएचआर) ले २६ मई २००६ को प्रतिवेदनमा समेत निश्चल लगायत ४९ जना भैरवनाथगणबाट बेपत्ता पारिएको उल्लेख गरेको थियो । म उक्त घटनाको जीवित साक्षीमध्ये एक हुँ । विषेश परिस्थितिवश घटनाबारे पहिलोपटक सञ्चारमाध्यममा प्रस्तुत हँुदैछु ।
मलाई लागेको थियो, जनआन्दोलनबाट बनेको सरकारले भैरवनाथका बेपत्ता बन्दी लगायत मोरङका कुवीर आपागाइर्ं, गोपाल दंगाल, तेह्रथुम ओख्रेका राजकुमार खड्का, भैरव पाहिम आदि लगायत देशैभरिका सयौं बेपत्ताको अवस्था सार्वजनिक गर्दै गणका अपराधीहरूलाई अदालतको कठघरामा ल्याउनेछ । तर सेनाको षडयन्त्रपूर्ण किर्ते प्रतिवेदनलाई वैधता दिइयो ।
बन्दी अवस्थाका २६० दिनसम्म मैले बाँचेर संसार हेर्ने आश गरेको थिइन । चौबीसै घन्टा आँखामा कालो पट्टी र घाँटीसम्म आउने कालो मखुण्डो, हात पछाडि टनक्क पारेर बाँध्ने, दुई गाँस बासी भात पनि सुविस्तासँग खान नदिने, लागेको बेला दिसापिसाब गर्न नदिने । शौचालय जाँदा-आउँदा चरम यातना दिने, अधिकांश रात प्रत्येक घन्टा १५-२० मिनेटसम्म उभ्याएर उपmन लगाउने, महिनौं दिनसम्म नुहाउन, दाँत मोल्न नदिने, अधिकांश बिहान नसक्दा पनि कडा व्यायाम गर्न लगाउने, एकले अर्कोलाई काँधमा बोक्न लगाउने, टाउको टेकेर खुट्टा ठाडो गर्न लगाउने र नसक्दा थप यातना पाउनुपर्ने, कथित अनुशासन पालन नगरेको आरोपमा अन्य यातना दिने, जाँडले टिल्ल अधिकृतद्वारा मध्यरातमा कुटिनुपर्ने, महिलाबन्दीहरूलाई आमाचकारी गाली गर्ने आदि थिए ।
अन्य यातनामा लुगा फुकालेर भुइँमा लडाएर दसौं प्लाष्टिकका मसिना पाइप शरीरमा बजार्ने, उठाउँदै बुटले हान्दै लडाउने, बरफ पानीमा डुबाउने, पिसाबको खाल्डोमा चोबल्ने, बिजुलीको झड्का लगाउने आदि हुन् । यी यातना सुरुमा अनिवार्य थिए भने पछि सेनाको मुडमा भर पर्ने कुरा थिए । गालीगलौजको त कुरै नगरांै ।
म, रमेश, कृष्ण सरलाई लगेको दिन कैयन यातनासहित भैरवनाथगणको ग्यारेजमा राखियो । उता निश्चललाई केही समय हामीसँगै नाजुक अवस्था हुँदासम्म यातना दिइयो । केही घन्टापछि उसलाई हामीबाट अलग्याइयो । प्ाछि माघ २२ मा हामी सबैलाई स्क्वास हलमा लैजाँदा थाहा भयो, निश्चललाई पनि स्क्वास हलमा अन्य बन्दीसँगै मंसिर १७ देखि नै सारिएको रहेछ । हलका बन्दी साथीहरूबाट अवगत भयो, पुस ५ सम्म निश्चल र अन्य ४७ जनालाई उक्त हल र अन्य पालबाट निकालेर ट्रकमा कोचेर बाहिर निकालिएको रहेछ ।
ग्यारेजमा लगेर कैयन बन्दीहरूसँग भुइँमा लडाइयो । खतरा मोलेरै भए पनि सँगै सुतेका तर एक महिनादेखि उक्त कालकोठरीमा अभ्यस्त भइसकेका तर हाम्रै हालतमा लडाइएकालाई मैले साउती मारेर सोधेँ, उनले भने- यहाँ ७ महिलासहित ३६ बन्दी छौं । नजिकैको स्क्वास हलमा लगभग ७० जना हुनुपर्छ । बाहिरको रोइकराइ अभ्यस्त भएपछि मसिनो गरी सुनिँदो रहेछ ।
रेवकला तिवारी, दुर्गा विशंखे, रेनुका दुलाल, कौशिल्या पोख्रेल, विना मगर, तारा भण्डारी र सरिता शर्मा महिला बन्दीका नाम थिए । ७ जनामध्ये पछिल्ला ३ जनासँग हामी पूरै समय सँगै बस्यौं भने पहिला ४ बन्दीसँग लगभग १५-२० दिनमात्र सँगै बस्यौं होला ।
मंसिर २९ गतेतिर हामी सबैलाई बाहिर निकालियो । २ महिनादेखि नुहाउन नपाएका बन्दीलाई चिसो पानी खन्याउने कार्यक्रम रहेछ । मलाई महिला बन्दी नजिक राखियो । रेवकला तिवारीले नाम भनेकी थिइन् । मलाई याद भयो, उनी हामीभन्दा १ महिना अघिदेखि बेपत्ता थिइन् । मैले आङ तन्काउने बहानामा आँखाको डाँडीबाट हेर्दा रेवकलाले क्रिम कलरको सुट-पाइन्ट भित्र उस्तै कलरको टिसर्ट लगाएकी रहिछन् । कौशिल्या र दुर्गाले कुर्ता-सुरुवाल लगाएका थिए । यसैक्रममा आँखा तन्काउँछस् भन्दै सेनाको जवानले मलाई नराम्रोसँग बुट बजार्यो ।
जावलाखेलका खड्गबहादुर घर्ती मगरलाई २ महिना पहिले ल्याएका रहेछन् । उनी अचेत हुने गर्थे । मंसिरको अन्तिमतिर झाडापखालाको औषधी नपाउँदा मध्यरातमा उनी अचेत भए । राति २ बजे कम्पाउन्डर आएर सलाइन पानी दियो । त्यतिखेरैदेखि उनी हिँडेर शौचालय जान सक्दैनथे । अन्य बन्दीहरूमा किरण राय उदयपुरतिरका हुनुपर्छ, उनी २८-३० वर्षका, अनुुहारमा खत भएका थिए । उनी सेनाबाट पिटाइ खाने डरले आँखा टम्म बाँध्ने गर्थे । उनको आँखा ऐँजरुले ढाकिसकेको थियो ।
मंसिर १८ गते पुष्पराज बस्नेतलाई कालिमाटीबाट पक्रेर बाहिर अनेकन यातना दिइसकेपछि बेलुका मसँग्ौ ग्यारेजमा लडाइयो । हामी साउती मार्न सफल भयौं । जगतमन्दिर उच्च मावि चावहिलमा अध्यापन गर्दा हामी राम्रैस्ाँग परिचित थियौं । कुराकानी गर्न सजिल्ाो भयो । उनको शरीर मुडोजस्तै सुन्निएको र कानबाट रगत बगेको थियो । हातका औंलाहरू चल्दैनथे । उनी नम्ा्र शब्दमा भन्थे, यतिका यातना दिनुभन्दा एक गोली खर्च गर । मंसिर १९ गते हीराबहादुर रोक्कालाई राति त्यसरी नै यातना दिएर मलाई राखिएको भुइँको अगाडितिर फोल्डिङ खाटमा राखियो । उनको अवस्था नाजुक थियो । उनको उमेर ३४ वर्ष र घर नुवाकोट भएको थाहा भयो । उनलाई सेनाले सचिव भन्ने गर्थे । मंसिर २० गते ग्यारेजमा हीराबहादुर सारु, सुनिन्द्र श्रेष्ठलाई ल्याइयो । सुनिन्द्रलाई पुष्प, हीरा रोक्काझैं अशक्त बनाइएको थियो । यी व्यक्तिलाई ४ देखि ६ दिनको बीचमा हामीबाट अलग गरियो । उनीहरूसहित अन्य ४७ जनालाई स्क्वास हलबाट पुस ५ गते ट्रकमा हालेर लगेको माघ २२ मा हामीलाई उक्त हलमा लैजाँदा साथीहरूबाट थाहा भयो । ग्यारेजका अन्य बन्दीहरू ज्ास्तै डीबी राउत, टीका कँडेल, कमल केसी, मच्छेनारायण श्रेष्ठ, रामचन्द्र महर्जन, कालु तामाङ, राजकुमार राई, राजकुमार बस्नेत, माधव न्यौपाने, लाहानु चौधरी, रामबहादुर बस्नेत आदि विभिन्न समयमा रिहा वा सार्वजनिक भएको अनुमान मैले गरेको छु । उता सँगै राखिएका ७ महिला बन्दीमध्ये ४ उल्लिखित महिला बन्दीसँगै उल्लिखित ४ पुरुष बन्दी पनि बेपत्ता छन् । त्यस्तै खड्ग र पद्मनारायण नकर्मीको शंकास्पद हत्या, किरण रायको हत्या आदिको बारेमा तल उल्लेख छ ।दिसा जाँदा र खाना खाने क्रममा मैले भीम गिरीलाई भेटेँ । त्यस्तै सीएमलाई पनि । मंसिर २९ वा ३० गते हुनुपर्छ, धीरेन्द्र बस्नेतलाई भेटेँ । त्यस्तै निश्चललाई पुनः एकपटक भेटेँ । उसले हालत ठीक छैन भन्यो । अरू कुरा गर्न मौका मिलेन । ज्ञानेन्द्र त्रिपाठी र दीपेन्द्र पन्तलाई बाहिरको पालमा राखिएको पछि बन्दीहरूबीच कुरा गर्दागर्दै पुष्टि भयो । त्यस्तै ओएचसीएचआरले उल्ल्ोख गरेकामध्ये अधिकांश बन्दीसँग त्यसरी नै भेट भयो । तर भैरवनाथमा बेपत्ताको संख्या कैयौं गुणा बढी भएका आधार बलिया छन् । गणका पूर्वबन्दीले देखेका घटना सम्भिmने र सबैले सार्वजनिक गर्ने हो भने कम्तीमा पनि त्यहाँ ३०० बढी बन्दी भएको पुष्टि हुन्छ ।
चार दिनपछि मलाई कृष्ण केसी र खड्गसँग कुरा गरेको आरोपमा यातना दिएर अर्काे कुनामा सारियो । त्यहाँ प्रदीप रम्तेल र १९ वषर्ीय ड्राइभर थिए । उनले माओवादीको नाम त्यहींमात्र थाहा पाएका रहेछन् । उनी लगायत ४ जनालाई माओवादीका नेतासँग नाम मिलेको कारणले र अर्का १९ वषर्ीय राईलाई वानेश्वरमा कर्नेल किरण बस्नेत मारिएको ठाउँ नजिकबाट पक्रेर ल्याइएको रहेछ । उनी वानेश्वरमा सानो होटलमा भाँडा माझ्ने गर्दारहेछन् । उनलाई पक्रेपछि कैयन् दिनसम्म यातना दिएर 'म माओवादी हुँ' भन्न लगाइएको रहेछ । छोडिदिन्ेा प्रलोभनमा उनले सीधा पाराले स्वीकारेछन् । त्यसपछि एकजना साथीलाई ल्या अनि घर जा भनेछन् । उसले त्यो कुरा पनि मानेछ । त्यसपछि राईले पालैपालो बीसजना चिनेका मान्छे ल्याएछन् ।
स्क्वास हलमा छँदा हामीलाई ३-४ पटक ट्रकमा कोचेर बंकरमा लगेर बिहान ४ बजेदेखि बेलुका ६ बजेसम्म्ा पानी पनि खान नदिइ राखियो । सेनाका जवानले कुरा गरेको सुनेर थाहा पायौं, आइसीआरस्ाीलाई हामी हटाइएको खाली हल देखाइएको र कुनै पनि बन्दी नभएको जानकारी दिएको भन्ने कुरा सत्य लाग्यो र प्रायः सोम र शुक्रबार लुकाइने, बसेको हल हामीलाई नै सफा गर्न लाउने सबै कपडा, बोरा हटाउने, बाहिर यातना दिन राखिएका बोर्ड, ड्रम उखेल्ने अनि कसैले नदेख्ने ठाउँमा राख्ने आदि कारणले त्यो कुराको सजिलै पुष्टि हुन्थ्यो । बंकरमा लैजाँदा अरू पालबाट ल्याइएका बन्दीलाई पनि हामीसँगै कोचेर राख्दा चिनजान भइहाल्थ्यो । त्यसरी चिनजान हुनेमा राष्ट्रबैंकका कृष्ण सिलवाल, अमीर गुरुङ, धादिङका शिक्षक आदि । बंकर गहिरो खोँचजस्तो ठाउँमा थियो, जहाँ वरिपरि काँडेतारमा बाक्लो पालको बार हुन्थ्यो र अनेकौं ठूला-साना पाल हुन्थे । नजिकैको पालमा मैले कम्तीमा पनि ४० जना महिला-पुरुषलाई शौचालयको प्वालबाट नियालेको थिएँ । प्ाुरुष बन्दीहरूको दार्ही हाम्रोभन्दा लामो थियो भने महिलाहरूको स्थिति नराम्रो थियो ।
खड्गबहादुरलाई अन्दाजी फागुन ३ गते नै अचेत अवस्थामा मध्यरात लगभग २ बजे हामी बीचबाट हटाइयो । भोलिपल्ट बिहानै हुनुपर्छ, हामीलाई बंकरमा लुकाइएको थियो । त्यहाँ पद्मनारायण अचेत थिए । उनले कैयौंपटक बान्ता गरेका थिए । खड्गसँगको बिछोड आलो छाड्दै पद्मलाई विदा गर्नुपर्ने अवस्था आयो । केही दिनपछि सेनाका जवान कानेखुसी गर्थे, २ आतंककारीलाई माथि पठाइयो । हामीले जे अनुमान गर्यौं, त्यही भयो । त्यसपछि हामीले पद्म र खड्गलाई कहिले पनि भेटेनौं ।
लगभग फागुनको अन्तिम सातादेखि सुन्निएर अशक्त हुनथालेका केही साथीहरूलाई छाउनीमा लैजाने र केही विसेकजस्तो भएपछि हामीसँग ल्याउने गरियो । अस्पताल लगिएकामध्ये रेशम विक, गोविन्द घिमिरे, राम खड्गी, अमीर शाक्य लगायत १५-२० जना थिए । बाँकी बन्दीको अवस्था पनि दयनीय थियो । तर ३-४ दिनसम्म खाना खान नसक्नेलाई मात्र अस्पताल लाने नीति बन्यो र हामीलाई निकै सुन्निँदा पनि अस्पताल लगिएन । छाउनी अस्पतालमा गएर आउने एक बन्दीले संयोगवश कान्तिपुरको दोस्रो पृष्ठमा -सायद) पढ्न पाएछन् । त्यहाँ फेला परेछ, सेनाको नक्कली विज्ञप्ति । लेखिएको रहेछ, 'खड्बहादुरको उपचार गर्दागर्दै असामयिक निधन' । त्यसमा थप लेखिएको रहेछ, खड्ग माओवादीको हतियार ओसारपसार गर्ने क्रममा पक्राउ परी सेनासँग आत्मसमर्पण गरेर सैनिक क्याम्पमा सुरक्षाको लागि बस्दै आएको । अर्थात् आफूखुसी बस्दै आएको वा घर जान नमानेको । -पाठकवृन्द ! ०६० फागुन ५ देखि १५ बीचको कान्तिपुरको दोस्रो पृष्ठ वा अन्य कुनामा विज्ञप्तिको पूर्ण पाठ हुनुपर्छ) हामीले त उनलाई भैरवनाथको हलमा नै लगभग विदा गरेका थियौं । कहिले पो उनी अस्पतालमा लगिएछन् । संयोगवश ती बन्दीले कान्तिपुरको टुक्रा ल्याएका रहेछन् । मैले पनि त्यो लज्जाजनक विज्ञप्ति पढेँ ।
स्मरणीय छ, स्क्वास हलका अन्तिम दिनहरूमा खड्ग र पद्मको हत्या वा मृत्युपछि सेनाले प्रायः हामी सबै जीवित बन्दीहरूलाई ज्यानको धम्की दिँदै एउटा नांगो नाच गर्यो । एउटा नक्कली कागजमा सहीछाप गर्न लगायो । त्यस कागजमा लेखिएको थियो, 'म माओवादी भएकोले सुरक्षाकर्मीको हिरासतमा अत्यन्तै आरामसहित मानवीय व्यवहार पाएको छु । मलाई केही दिनअघि पक्रिएको हो । मलाई यातना दिएको छैन..., मलाई यहाँ कुनै समस्या छैन..., म रिहा भए मलाई माओवादीले नै मार्नेछन् । ....तसर्थ आफ्नो सुरक्षाको लागि आफूखुसी परिवारसँगसमेत सम्पर्क नगरी आराम गरिबसेको छु । म उचित समयमा रिहा हुनेछु ।' यस्तै-यस्तै लेखिएको थियो । उक्त कागजमा मिति थिएन । बन्दुकको नाल कञ्चटमा राखेर लेख्न लगाइयो । लेख्न नजान्नेलाई अरूले लेखेको कागजमा सही गर्न लगाइयो । उक्त कागज त्यही दिन छुट्ने भनिएका निर्दोष प्रदीप रम्तेल, राजकुमारहरूलाई पनि औंठाछाप लगाउन बाध्य बनाइयो । उनीहरूले लेख्न नजाने पनि अरूले लेखेको कागजमा औंठाछाप लगाउन लगाइयो । मलाई शंका छ, खड्ग वा पद्मलाई पनि मृतक अवस्थामा नै त्यस्तै कागजमा औंठाछाप लगाए वा उनीहरूलाई त्यो गर्न बिर्सेर हामीलाई त्यो कागज गराए ।
स्क्वास हलमा मानवअधिकारकर्मीबाट जोगाउनुपर्ने झञ्झटबाट सधैंका लागि मुक्त हुन सेनाले चैत ४ देखि ७ गते बीचमा हामीलाई उच्च सतर्कयुक्त ठाउँमा लग्यो । च्ौत ३ मा त्यस गणको वार्ष्र्िकी पर्दोरहेछ । मैले भैरवनाथको स्थापना लेखिएको गेट केही दिनअघि बंकरमा लुकाउन लैजाने क्रममा बाटोमा देखेको थिएँ । च्ौत ३ मा विशाल नाचगानसहित पार्टी गरिएको थियो । हामीचाहिँ हलमै थियौं । तर दिनभरि भोकै थियौं । त्यसै दिन राति मेजर विवेक विष्टको नेतृत्वमा आएको टोलीबाट प्रायः सबैले बुट खायौं । त्यसदिन बुट र पाइपबाहेक केही पनि खाइएन ।
उच्च सतर्कताको लागि लगिएका बन्दीको संख्या जम्मा २९ थियो । त्यहाँ ४ वटा पालमा ल्याइयो । अन्यलाई छोडियो वा के गरियो, मलाई यकिन छैन । हामीहरू ३ शिक्षक कृष्ण, हिमाल, वीरेन्द्र, ३ महिला बन्दी, किरण, विजय मगर, रेशम, विजय भट्टराई, गोविन्द, देव गुरुङ आदि थियौं । नयाँ बन्दी वा अन्य पालबाट त्यहाँ ल्याएका थिए । तीमध्ये ६ जनालाई माओवादीको नाममा सही गर्न लगाइएको रहेछ । उनीहरू ०६१ जेठमा छुटेको हुनुपर्छ । त्यस्तै नारायणध्वज महतसहित ४ जनाको समूह थियो । पुसमा गिरफ्तार गरी उक्त गणमा राखिएका पत्रकार जितमान बस्नेत, केही समय बंकरमा भेट भएका अमिर गुरुङ ।
मानबहादुर श्रेष्ठ, धनबहादुर मगर, माधव न्यौपाने आदिलाई असारमा छोडियो । असारमा जन्डिस भएका केही साथीलाई छुट्टै पालमा राखियो । छाउनी अस्पतालबाट फर्काइएका केहीलाई हामीस्ाँग सञ्चार हुन नसकोस् भनेर छुट्टै पालमा राखियो । कृष्ण केसी, हिमालसहित ४ जनालाई बाहिरको पालमा राखियो । बन्दीको अवस्थामा थप कडाइपन ल्याइयो । राति उठाउने, उपmन लगाउने, हत्कडी, पट्टी टनक्क कस्ने आदिमा थप कडाइका साथ सशक्त पारियो । हामीमा बाँच्ने आशा कम हुन थाल्यो । सेनाले पिसाब गर्न प्रयोग गरेर छाडेको चौरको टेन्टमा राखिएकोले लामखुट्टेले थप समस्या थप्यो । प्ाालमा पानी चुहिने र भुइँबाट चिसो पस्ने भएकोले समस्या पर्यो ।
साउन १ गते म लगायत १२ जना बन्दीलाई नुहाइ-धुहाइ गरेर एउटा हलमा लगियो । हामीले सोच्यौं, अब अर्काे नाटक मञ्चन हुने भयो । मेजरले भन्यो, 'तिमीहरूलाई भेट्न कोही आउँदैछ । सबै राम्रो छ भन्न्ाु । कुनै गुनासो गर्यौ भने बेलुका पहिलेका दिन दोहोरिन्छन् । २ घन्टासम्म हाम्रा पट्टी, हत्कडी खोलिए । भेट्न कोही आएन । बेलुका हत्कडी, पट्टीसहित पुनः पहिलेकै ठाउँमा फर्कायो । सेना त्यसदिन पनि ढाँट्न सफल भयो ।
मलाई रिहा हुने दिन बिहान अचानक मेरो कैदी नम्बर ९६ बोलाइयो र तानेर नजिकैको एक्लो पालमा राखियो । मेजर विवेक विष्टले पालमा भेट्यो । उसले पालेलाई मेरो पट्टी खोल्न आदेश दियो । म्ौले मेजरलाई देखेँ । उनी मैले कल्पना गरेजस्तो राक्षसै त रहेनछन् । सामान्य म्ाान्छे लाग्यो । सायद उनले मेरो सातो पहिले नै टिपिसकेका रहेछन् । उसले आफूलाई चिनेको वा नचिनेको सोध्ोे । मैले भने बोली सुनेको बताएँ । उसले कसरी भन्यो । पालमा कहिलेकाहीं आउनुहुन्थ्यो, मैले भनेँ । उसले सोध्यो, 'माडसापलाई कसैले नराम्रो गर्यो कि ?' मैले ठीक भएको बहाना गरेँ । उसले भन्यो, 'मैले तपाईंलाई विशेष ध्यान दिन भनेको थिएँ ।' मैले त्यस्तै हो, हिरासतमा भनेँ । उसले सही थप्दै भन्यो, 'माडसाप, कसैको निधारमा माओवादी लेखेको हुँदैन, सोधपुछ गर्नैपर्यो । तपाईं घानमा पर्नुभयो । माइन्ड नगर्नुहोस् ।' मैले भनेँ, माइन्ड गर्ने कुरै छैन । यदि म निर्दाेष भएको प्रमाणित भएकै हो भने रिहा गरिदिनुहोस् । उनले भने, 'मैले तपाईंको रिहाइको लागि विशेष पहल गर्दैछु, तर तपाईं यदि छुट्नुभयो भने हामीलाई के सहयोग गर्नुहुन्छ ?' मैले भनेँ, छुटेर उपचार गर्छु । सके भने पढाउँछु, पढ्छु, सकिन भने घरमा बस्छु । उसले भन्यो, 'छुटेपछि तपाईँल्ो माओवादीको सुराकी दिनुपर्छ ।'
मैले भनेँ, सरी, म सक्दिन । उसले अलि कडा स्वरमा भन्यो, 'त्यसो भए म तपाईंलाई रिहा गर्न सक्दिन ।' मैले भनेँ, निर्दाेष पनि भन्ने, नछोड्ने पनि के हो ? अलि नरम भएर उनले भन्ो, 'कोही माओवादी भेट्न आए, म एउटा नम्बर दिन्छु, त्यसमा फोन गर्नु ।' उसले चिया खाने प्रस्ताव गर्यो । मैले आफूलाई चिया मन नपर्ने बहाना गरेँ । चियाको स्वाद बिर्सेको झन्डै एक वर्ष भएको थियो । त्यसपछि उसले दोस्रो प्रस्ताव राख्यो, 'यदि छुट्नुभयो भने पत्रकार, मानवअधिकारवादीलाई नभेट्ने । भेटेमा आफ्नो सुरक्षा आफैं गर्नुहोला ।' उसले भन्यो, 'म तपाईंको शुभचिन्तक भएकोले मात्र यो कुरा भनिरहेको छु ।' उनले थप सोध्ो, 'तपाईंलाई कहाँ राखिएको छ, केही थाहा छ ?' मैलै बहाना गर्दै भनेँ, काठमाडौंंभित्र छु, तर कहाँ भन्ने पत्तो छैन । अर्काे एक जटिल प्रस्ताप राख्यो, सँगै पक्रेको निश्चल नकर्मीबारे केही बोले सुरक्षा निकायले पुनः पक्रेर फेरि जीवन दिन सक्दैनन् । उनले भने, 'नेपाल सानो छ । चाहेमा एक घन्टामा तपाईंलाई पक्रिन सकिनेछ ।' मैले भनेँ, मलाई थाहा छ । त्यसपछि मेजर गए । पट्टी पुनः बाँधियो ।
एकछिनपछि अर्काे सेनाको अधिकृतजस्तो लाग्ने व्यक्ति आएर टाउको धकेल्दै धम्कीपूर्ण स्वरमा भन्यो, 'मास्टर छुटेँ भन्ने नसम्झी । एक मिनेटमा यहाँ ल्याउने तागत छ । यहाँको बारेमा एक शब्द बाहिर भनिस् भने सम्झी तेरो ज्यान छैन ।' बिहान १० बजे खाना लिएर भान्से आयो । सधैं बाघजस्तो व्यवहार गर्ने त्यो भान्सेले निन्याउरो मुख लाउँदै भन्यो, 'माडसाप, माइन्ड नगर्नुहोस् । हामीले नचाहँदा-नचाहँदै पनि नराम्रो गर्नैपर्यो ।' मैले भनेँ, तपाईंले अह्राएको गर्नुभयो । केही माइन्ड छैन । मैले थप भनेँ, यदि तपाईं सक्नुहुन्छ भने भित्रका बन्दीमाथि थोरै भए पनि मानवता देखाउनुहोस् । उसले हुन्छ भन्यो । दिउसो २ बजेतिर आफ्ना सामान बुझेको सही गर्न लगाइयो । बेलुका ७ बजे गाडीमा जान भनेर १०० मिटरजति हिँडायो । फेरि आज जान पाइनस् भन्दै फर्काइयो । म निराश भएँ । यो सबै नाटकजस्तो लग्यो । पुनः आधा घन्टापछि लगियो र गाडीमा राखियो । पट्टी यथावत् थियो । गाडीमा घोप्टो पारेर सिटमा राखियो । कैयन घुम्ती बाटो गरिकन घुमाएर वानेश्वरस्थित एकजना नातेदारकोमा छोडियो । मेरो शारीरिक अवस्था ५० मिटर पनि हिँड्न नसक्ने भएको थियो । तौल ५८ केजीबाट घटेर ४४ केजी भएको थियो । प्रकाश देख्न नपाएका आँखाले कान्तिपुर पत्रिका पढ्न सकेनन् । हात अघिल्तिर लगेर सुत्न सकिन, हात त पछाडि नै अभ्यस्त भएछन् ।
सेनाले तारिकमा कोही पनि नलिई एक्लै आउनु भनेर धम्की दिएको थियो । मलाई छोडेकै भोलिपल्ट गणेशस्थान, कमलादीको मन्दिरमा बोलाइयो । त्यहाँ आफन्तहरूको विशेष निगरानीको व्यवस्था मिलाएको थिएँ ताकि सेनाले पनि थाहा पाउन नसकोस् । मलाई पुनः बेपत्ता पार्यो भन्ने प्रमाण बन्न्ा सकोस् । त्यसपछि नागपोखरी, टिचिङ हस्पिटल आदि ठाउँ गरेर एक वर्षमा ३६ पटकसम्म तारिक दिइयो । तारिकमा सेना प्रहरी केही नभनी सिभिलमा आउने, तोकेका ठाउँमा भेट्न जानुपर्ने, प्रत्येक पटक गोप्य कुरा भने मार्ने धम्की दिने, गाडीमा चड् भनेर डर देखाउने, माओवादी देखा भन्न्ो, घाममा राखेर अनावश्यक कुराहरू सोध्ने जस्ता अपमानजनक काम भए । यसरी सेनाका ब्यारेकका २६० दिन र त्यसपछिको एक वर्ष अत्यन्तै तनावबीच बिते ।
म्ा लगायत अन्य तीन जनालाई २००३ डिसेम्बर ३ मा राजधानीको घट्टेकुलो हाइट घर नं ४४९/ ८१ बाट शाही सेनाका कर्नेल राजु बस्नेतको नेतृत्वमा अपहरण शैलीमा गिरफ्तार गरिएको थियो । अख्तियार प्रमुख सूर्यनाथ उपाध्यायको घर नजिकै राजभण्डारीको घरमा म बस्थेँ । मेरो स्थायी घर ओख्रे २, तेह्रथुम हो र म मैतीदेवी उच्च माध्यमिक विद्यालयमा पढाउँथ्ोँ र त्रिचन्द्र कलेजमा पढ्थेँ ।
त्यसदिन बेलुका ५.१५ बजे म लगायत शिक्षक साथी रमेशप्रसाद गुरागाईं, कृष्णराज केसी र निश्चल नकर्मीलाई मेरो कोठाबाट गिरफ्तार गरियो । शिक्षकद्वय मसँग परिचित व्यtmि हुन् भने निश्चल नकर्मीसँग पहिलोपटक चिनजान भएको थियो ।
आँखामा कालो पट्टी बाँधी पाता कसेर हामीलाई सेतो भ्यानमा लैजाँदा कमाण्डर राजु बस्नेतले निश्चललाई धम्की दिँदै थिए, 'तँलाई पक्रेर हामीले ठूलो विजय गर्यौं । हामी जे पनि गर्न सक्छौं, तर मार्दैनौं ।' भाग्यवश् म र अन्य दुई शिक्षक बाँच्यौं, तर निश्चलको अवस्था अझै अज्ञात छ ।
मानवअधिकार सम्बन्धी राष्ट्रसंघीय उच्च आयोग -ओएचसीएचआर) ले २६ मई २००६ को प्रतिवेदनमा समेत निश्चल लगायत ४९ जना भैरवनाथगणबाट बेपत्ता पारिएको उल्लेख गरेको थियो । म उक्त घटनाको जीवित साक्षीमध्ये एक हुँ । विषेश परिस्थितिवश घटनाबारे पहिलोपटक सञ्चारमाध्यममा प्रस्तुत हँुदैछु ।
मलाई लागेको थियो, जनआन्दोलनबाट बनेको सरकारले भैरवनाथका बेपत्ता बन्दी लगायत मोरङका कुवीर आपागाइर्ं, गोपाल दंगाल, तेह्रथुम ओख्रेका राजकुमार खड्का, भैरव पाहिम आदि लगायत देशैभरिका सयौं बेपत्ताको अवस्था सार्वजनिक गर्दै गणका अपराधीहरूलाई अदालतको कठघरामा ल्याउनेछ । तर सेनाको षडयन्त्रपूर्ण किर्ते प्रतिवेदनलाई वैधता दिइयो ।
बन्दी अवस्थाका २६० दिनसम्म मैले बाँचेर संसार हेर्ने आश गरेको थिइन । चौबीसै घन्टा आँखामा कालो पट्टी र घाँटीसम्म आउने कालो मखुण्डो, हात पछाडि टनक्क पारेर बाँध्ने, दुई गाँस बासी भात पनि सुविस्तासँग खान नदिने, लागेको बेला दिसापिसाब गर्न नदिने । शौचालय जाँदा-आउँदा चरम यातना दिने, अधिकांश रात प्रत्येक घन्टा १५-२० मिनेटसम्म उभ्याएर उपmन लगाउने, महिनौं दिनसम्म नुहाउन, दाँत मोल्न नदिने, अधिकांश बिहान नसक्दा पनि कडा व्यायाम गर्न लगाउने, एकले अर्कोलाई काँधमा बोक्न लगाउने, टाउको टेकेर खुट्टा ठाडो गर्न लगाउने र नसक्दा थप यातना पाउनुपर्ने, कथित अनुशासन पालन नगरेको आरोपमा अन्य यातना दिने, जाँडले टिल्ल अधिकृतद्वारा मध्यरातमा कुटिनुपर्ने, महिलाबन्दीहरूलाई आमाचकारी गाली गर्ने आदि थिए ।
अन्य यातनामा लुगा फुकालेर भुइँमा लडाएर दसौं प्लाष्टिकका मसिना पाइप शरीरमा बजार्ने, उठाउँदै बुटले हान्दै लडाउने, बरफ पानीमा डुबाउने, पिसाबको खाल्डोमा चोबल्ने, बिजुलीको झड्का लगाउने आदि हुन् । यी यातना सुरुमा अनिवार्य थिए भने पछि सेनाको मुडमा भर पर्ने कुरा थिए । गालीगलौजको त कुरै नगरांै ।
म, रमेश, कृष्ण सरलाई लगेको दिन कैयन यातनासहित भैरवनाथगणको ग्यारेजमा राखियो । उता निश्चललाई केही समय हामीसँगै नाजुक अवस्था हुँदासम्म यातना दिइयो । केही घन्टापछि उसलाई हामीबाट अलग्याइयो । प्ाछि माघ २२ मा हामी सबैलाई स्क्वास हलमा लैजाँदा थाहा भयो, निश्चललाई पनि स्क्वास हलमा अन्य बन्दीसँगै मंसिर १७ देखि नै सारिएको रहेछ । हलका बन्दी साथीहरूबाट अवगत भयो, पुस ५ सम्म निश्चल र अन्य ४७ जनालाई उक्त हल र अन्य पालबाट निकालेर ट्रकमा कोचेर बाहिर निकालिएको रहेछ ।
ग्यारेजमा लगेर कैयन बन्दीहरूसँग भुइँमा लडाइयो । खतरा मोलेरै भए पनि सँगै सुतेका तर एक महिनादेखि उक्त कालकोठरीमा अभ्यस्त भइसकेका तर हाम्रै हालतमा लडाइएकालाई मैले साउती मारेर सोधेँ, उनले भने- यहाँ ७ महिलासहित ३६ बन्दी छौं । नजिकैको स्क्वास हलमा लगभग ७० जना हुनुपर्छ । बाहिरको रोइकराइ अभ्यस्त भएपछि मसिनो गरी सुनिँदो रहेछ ।
रेवकला तिवारी, दुर्गा विशंखे, रेनुका दुलाल, कौशिल्या पोख्रेल, विना मगर, तारा भण्डारी र सरिता शर्मा महिला बन्दीका नाम थिए । ७ जनामध्ये पछिल्ला ३ जनासँग हामी पूरै समय सँगै बस्यौं भने पहिला ४ बन्दीसँग लगभग १५-२० दिनमात्र सँगै बस्यौं होला ।
मंसिर २९ गतेतिर हामी सबैलाई बाहिर निकालियो । २ महिनादेखि नुहाउन नपाएका बन्दीलाई चिसो पानी खन्याउने कार्यक्रम रहेछ । मलाई महिला बन्दी नजिक राखियो । रेवकला तिवारीले नाम भनेकी थिइन् । मलाई याद भयो, उनी हामीभन्दा १ महिना अघिदेखि बेपत्ता थिइन् । मैले आङ तन्काउने बहानामा आँखाको डाँडीबाट हेर्दा रेवकलाले क्रिम कलरको सुट-पाइन्ट भित्र उस्तै कलरको टिसर्ट लगाएकी रहिछन् । कौशिल्या र दुर्गाले कुर्ता-सुरुवाल लगाएका थिए । यसैक्रममा आँखा तन्काउँछस् भन्दै सेनाको जवानले मलाई नराम्रोसँग बुट बजार्यो ।
जावलाखेलका खड्गबहादुर घर्ती मगरलाई २ महिना पहिले ल्याएका रहेछन् । उनी अचेत हुने गर्थे । मंसिरको अन्तिमतिर झाडापखालाको औषधी नपाउँदा मध्यरातमा उनी अचेत भए । राति २ बजे कम्पाउन्डर आएर सलाइन पानी दियो । त्यतिखेरैदेखि उनी हिँडेर शौचालय जान सक्दैनथे । अन्य बन्दीहरूमा किरण राय उदयपुरतिरका हुनुपर्छ, उनी २८-३० वर्षका, अनुुहारमा खत भएका थिए । उनी सेनाबाट पिटाइ खाने डरले आँखा टम्म बाँध्ने गर्थे । उनको आँखा ऐँजरुले ढाकिसकेको थियो ।
मंसिर १८ गते पुष्पराज बस्नेतलाई कालिमाटीबाट पक्रेर बाहिर अनेकन यातना दिइसकेपछि बेलुका मसँग्ौ ग्यारेजमा लडाइयो । हामी साउती मार्न सफल भयौं । जगतमन्दिर उच्च मावि चावहिलमा अध्यापन गर्दा हामी राम्रैस्ाँग परिचित थियौं । कुराकानी गर्न सजिल्ाो भयो । उनको शरीर मुडोजस्तै सुन्निएको र कानबाट रगत बगेको थियो । हातका औंलाहरू चल्दैनथे । उनी नम्ा्र शब्दमा भन्थे, यतिका यातना दिनुभन्दा एक गोली खर्च गर । मंसिर १९ गते हीराबहादुर रोक्कालाई राति त्यसरी नै यातना दिएर मलाई राखिएको भुइँको अगाडितिर फोल्डिङ खाटमा राखियो । उनको अवस्था नाजुक थियो । उनको उमेर ३४ वर्ष र घर नुवाकोट भएको थाहा भयो । उनलाई सेनाले सचिव भन्ने गर्थे । मंसिर २० गते ग्यारेजमा हीराबहादुर सारु, सुनिन्द्र श्रेष्ठलाई ल्याइयो । सुनिन्द्रलाई पुष्प, हीरा रोक्काझैं अशक्त बनाइएको थियो । यी व्यक्तिलाई ४ देखि ६ दिनको बीचमा हामीबाट अलग गरियो । उनीहरूसहित अन्य ४७ जनालाई स्क्वास हलबाट पुस ५ गते ट्रकमा हालेर लगेको माघ २२ मा हामीलाई उक्त हलमा लैजाँदा साथीहरूबाट थाहा भयो । ग्यारेजका अन्य बन्दीहरू ज्ास्तै डीबी राउत, टीका कँडेल, कमल केसी, मच्छेनारायण श्रेष्ठ, रामचन्द्र महर्जन, कालु तामाङ, राजकुमार राई, राजकुमार बस्नेत, माधव न्यौपाने, लाहानु चौधरी, रामबहादुर बस्नेत आदि विभिन्न समयमा रिहा वा सार्वजनिक भएको अनुमान मैले गरेको छु । उता सँगै राखिएका ७ महिला बन्दीमध्ये ४ उल्लिखित महिला बन्दीसँगै उल्लिखित ४ पुरुष बन्दी पनि बेपत्ता छन् । त्यस्तै खड्ग र पद्मनारायण नकर्मीको शंकास्पद हत्या, किरण रायको हत्या आदिको बारेमा तल उल्लेख छ ।दिसा जाँदा र खाना खाने क्रममा मैले भीम गिरीलाई भेटेँ । त्यस्तै सीएमलाई पनि । मंसिर २९ वा ३० गते हुनुपर्छ, धीरेन्द्र बस्नेतलाई भेटेँ । त्यस्तै निश्चललाई पुनः एकपटक भेटेँ । उसले हालत ठीक छैन भन्यो । अरू कुरा गर्न मौका मिलेन । ज्ञानेन्द्र त्रिपाठी र दीपेन्द्र पन्तलाई बाहिरको पालमा राखिएको पछि बन्दीहरूबीच कुरा गर्दागर्दै पुष्टि भयो । त्यस्तै ओएचसीएचआरले उल्ल्ोख गरेकामध्ये अधिकांश बन्दीसँग त्यसरी नै भेट भयो । तर भैरवनाथमा बेपत्ताको संख्या कैयौं गुणा बढी भएका आधार बलिया छन् । गणका पूर्वबन्दीले देखेका घटना सम्भिmने र सबैले सार्वजनिक गर्ने हो भने कम्तीमा पनि त्यहाँ ३०० बढी बन्दी भएको पुष्टि हुन्छ ।
चार दिनपछि मलाई कृष्ण केसी र खड्गसँग कुरा गरेको आरोपमा यातना दिएर अर्काे कुनामा सारियो । त्यहाँ प्रदीप रम्तेल र १९ वषर्ीय ड्राइभर थिए । उनले माओवादीको नाम त्यहींमात्र थाहा पाएका रहेछन् । उनी लगायत ४ जनालाई माओवादीका नेतासँग नाम मिलेको कारणले र अर्का १९ वषर्ीय राईलाई वानेश्वरमा कर्नेल किरण बस्नेत मारिएको ठाउँ नजिकबाट पक्रेर ल्याइएको रहेछ । उनी वानेश्वरमा सानो होटलमा भाँडा माझ्ने गर्दारहेछन् । उनलाई पक्रेपछि कैयन् दिनसम्म यातना दिएर 'म माओवादी हुँ' भन्न लगाइएको रहेछ । छोडिदिन्ेा प्रलोभनमा उनले सीधा पाराले स्वीकारेछन् । त्यसपछि एकजना साथीलाई ल्या अनि घर जा भनेछन् । उसले त्यो कुरा पनि मानेछ । त्यसपछि राईले पालैपालो बीसजना चिनेका मान्छे ल्याएछन् ।
स्क्वास हलमा छँदा हामीलाई ३-४ पटक ट्रकमा कोचेर बंकरमा लगेर बिहान ४ बजेदेखि बेलुका ६ बजेसम्म्ा पानी पनि खान नदिइ राखियो । सेनाका जवानले कुरा गरेको सुनेर थाहा पायौं, आइसीआरस्ाीलाई हामी हटाइएको खाली हल देखाइएको र कुनै पनि बन्दी नभएको जानकारी दिएको भन्ने कुरा सत्य लाग्यो र प्रायः सोम र शुक्रबार लुकाइने, बसेको हल हामीलाई नै सफा गर्न लाउने सबै कपडा, बोरा हटाउने, बाहिर यातना दिन राखिएका बोर्ड, ड्रम उखेल्ने अनि कसैले नदेख्ने ठाउँमा राख्ने आदि कारणले त्यो कुराको सजिलै पुष्टि हुन्थ्यो । बंकरमा लैजाँदा अरू पालबाट ल्याइएका बन्दीलाई पनि हामीसँगै कोचेर राख्दा चिनजान भइहाल्थ्यो । त्यसरी चिनजान हुनेमा राष्ट्रबैंकका कृष्ण सिलवाल, अमीर गुरुङ, धादिङका शिक्षक आदि । बंकर गहिरो खोँचजस्तो ठाउँमा थियो, जहाँ वरिपरि काँडेतारमा बाक्लो पालको बार हुन्थ्यो र अनेकौं ठूला-साना पाल हुन्थे । नजिकैको पालमा मैले कम्तीमा पनि ४० जना महिला-पुरुषलाई शौचालयको प्वालबाट नियालेको थिएँ । प्ाुरुष बन्दीहरूको दार्ही हाम्रोभन्दा लामो थियो भने महिलाहरूको स्थिति नराम्रो थियो ।
खड्गबहादुरलाई अन्दाजी फागुन ३ गते नै अचेत अवस्थामा मध्यरात लगभग २ बजे हामी बीचबाट हटाइयो । भोलिपल्ट बिहानै हुनुपर्छ, हामीलाई बंकरमा लुकाइएको थियो । त्यहाँ पद्मनारायण अचेत थिए । उनले कैयौंपटक बान्ता गरेका थिए । खड्गसँगको बिछोड आलो छाड्दै पद्मलाई विदा गर्नुपर्ने अवस्था आयो । केही दिनपछि सेनाका जवान कानेखुसी गर्थे, २ आतंककारीलाई माथि पठाइयो । हामीले जे अनुमान गर्यौं, त्यही भयो । त्यसपछि हामीले पद्म र खड्गलाई कहिले पनि भेटेनौं ।
लगभग फागुनको अन्तिम सातादेखि सुन्निएर अशक्त हुनथालेका केही साथीहरूलाई छाउनीमा लैजाने र केही विसेकजस्तो भएपछि हामीसँग ल्याउने गरियो । अस्पताल लगिएकामध्ये रेशम विक, गोविन्द घिमिरे, राम खड्गी, अमीर शाक्य लगायत १५-२० जना थिए । बाँकी बन्दीको अवस्था पनि दयनीय थियो । तर ३-४ दिनसम्म खाना खान नसक्नेलाई मात्र अस्पताल लाने नीति बन्यो र हामीलाई निकै सुन्निँदा पनि अस्पताल लगिएन । छाउनी अस्पतालमा गएर आउने एक बन्दीले संयोगवश कान्तिपुरको दोस्रो पृष्ठमा -सायद) पढ्न पाएछन् । त्यहाँ फेला परेछ, सेनाको नक्कली विज्ञप्ति । लेखिएको रहेछ, 'खड्बहादुरको उपचार गर्दागर्दै असामयिक निधन' । त्यसमा थप लेखिएको रहेछ, खड्ग माओवादीको हतियार ओसारपसार गर्ने क्रममा पक्राउ परी सेनासँग आत्मसमर्पण गरेर सैनिक क्याम्पमा सुरक्षाको लागि बस्दै आएको । अर्थात् आफूखुसी बस्दै आएको वा घर जान नमानेको । -पाठकवृन्द ! ०६० फागुन ५ देखि १५ बीचको कान्तिपुरको दोस्रो पृष्ठ वा अन्य कुनामा विज्ञप्तिको पूर्ण पाठ हुनुपर्छ) हामीले त उनलाई भैरवनाथको हलमा नै लगभग विदा गरेका थियौं । कहिले पो उनी अस्पतालमा लगिएछन् । संयोगवश ती बन्दीले कान्तिपुरको टुक्रा ल्याएका रहेछन् । मैले पनि त्यो लज्जाजनक विज्ञप्ति पढेँ ।
स्मरणीय छ, स्क्वास हलका अन्तिम दिनहरूमा खड्ग र पद्मको हत्या वा मृत्युपछि सेनाले प्रायः हामी सबै जीवित बन्दीहरूलाई ज्यानको धम्की दिँदै एउटा नांगो नाच गर्यो । एउटा नक्कली कागजमा सहीछाप गर्न लगायो । त्यस कागजमा लेखिएको थियो, 'म माओवादी भएकोले सुरक्षाकर्मीको हिरासतमा अत्यन्तै आरामसहित मानवीय व्यवहार पाएको छु । मलाई केही दिनअघि पक्रिएको हो । मलाई यातना दिएको छैन..., मलाई यहाँ कुनै समस्या छैन..., म रिहा भए मलाई माओवादीले नै मार्नेछन् । ....तसर्थ आफ्नो सुरक्षाको लागि आफूखुसी परिवारसँगसमेत सम्पर्क नगरी आराम गरिबसेको छु । म उचित समयमा रिहा हुनेछु ।' यस्तै-यस्तै लेखिएको थियो । उक्त कागजमा मिति थिएन । बन्दुकको नाल कञ्चटमा राखेर लेख्न लगाइयो । लेख्न नजान्नेलाई अरूले लेखेको कागजमा सही गर्न लगाइयो । उक्त कागज त्यही दिन छुट्ने भनिएका निर्दोष प्रदीप रम्तेल, राजकुमारहरूलाई पनि औंठाछाप लगाउन बाध्य बनाइयो । उनीहरूले लेख्न नजाने पनि अरूले लेखेको कागजमा औंठाछाप लगाउन लगाइयो । मलाई शंका छ, खड्ग वा पद्मलाई पनि मृतक अवस्थामा नै त्यस्तै कागजमा औंठाछाप लगाए वा उनीहरूलाई त्यो गर्न बिर्सेर हामीलाई त्यो कागज गराए ।
स्क्वास हलमा मानवअधिकारकर्मीबाट जोगाउनुपर्ने झञ्झटबाट सधैंका लागि मुक्त हुन सेनाले चैत ४ देखि ७ गते बीचमा हामीलाई उच्च सतर्कयुक्त ठाउँमा लग्यो । च्ौत ३ मा त्यस गणको वार्ष्र्िकी पर्दोरहेछ । मैले भैरवनाथको स्थापना लेखिएको गेट केही दिनअघि बंकरमा लुकाउन लैजाने क्रममा बाटोमा देखेको थिएँ । च्ौत ३ मा विशाल नाचगानसहित पार्टी गरिएको थियो । हामीचाहिँ हलमै थियौं । तर दिनभरि भोकै थियौं । त्यसै दिन राति मेजर विवेक विष्टको नेतृत्वमा आएको टोलीबाट प्रायः सबैले बुट खायौं । त्यसदिन बुट र पाइपबाहेक केही पनि खाइएन ।
उच्च सतर्कताको लागि लगिएका बन्दीको संख्या जम्मा २९ थियो । त्यहाँ ४ वटा पालमा ल्याइयो । अन्यलाई छोडियो वा के गरियो, मलाई यकिन छैन । हामीहरू ३ शिक्षक कृष्ण, हिमाल, वीरेन्द्र, ३ महिला बन्दी, किरण, विजय मगर, रेशम, विजय भट्टराई, गोविन्द, देव गुरुङ आदि थियौं । नयाँ बन्दी वा अन्य पालबाट त्यहाँ ल्याएका थिए । तीमध्ये ६ जनालाई माओवादीको नाममा सही गर्न लगाइएको रहेछ । उनीहरू ०६१ जेठमा छुटेको हुनुपर्छ । त्यस्तै नारायणध्वज महतसहित ४ जनाको समूह थियो । पुसमा गिरफ्तार गरी उक्त गणमा राखिएका पत्रकार जितमान बस्नेत, केही समय बंकरमा भेट भएका अमिर गुरुङ ।
मानबहादुर श्रेष्ठ, धनबहादुर मगर, माधव न्यौपाने आदिलाई असारमा छोडियो । असारमा जन्डिस भएका केही साथीलाई छुट्टै पालमा राखियो । छाउनी अस्पतालबाट फर्काइएका केहीलाई हामीस्ाँग सञ्चार हुन नसकोस् भनेर छुट्टै पालमा राखियो । कृष्ण केसी, हिमालसहित ४ जनालाई बाहिरको पालमा राखियो । बन्दीको अवस्थामा थप कडाइपन ल्याइयो । राति उठाउने, उपmन लगाउने, हत्कडी, पट्टी टनक्क कस्ने आदिमा थप कडाइका साथ सशक्त पारियो । हामीमा बाँच्ने आशा कम हुन थाल्यो । सेनाले पिसाब गर्न प्रयोग गरेर छाडेको चौरको टेन्टमा राखिएकोले लामखुट्टेले थप समस्या थप्यो । प्ाालमा पानी चुहिने र भुइँबाट चिसो पस्ने भएकोले समस्या पर्यो ।
साउन १ गते म लगायत १२ जना बन्दीलाई नुहाइ-धुहाइ गरेर एउटा हलमा लगियो । हामीले सोच्यौं, अब अर्काे नाटक मञ्चन हुने भयो । मेजरले भन्यो, 'तिमीहरूलाई भेट्न कोही आउँदैछ । सबै राम्रो छ भन्न्ाु । कुनै गुनासो गर्यौ भने बेलुका पहिलेका दिन दोहोरिन्छन् । २ घन्टासम्म हाम्रा पट्टी, हत्कडी खोलिए । भेट्न कोही आएन । बेलुका हत्कडी, पट्टीसहित पुनः पहिलेकै ठाउँमा फर्कायो । सेना त्यसदिन पनि ढाँट्न सफल भयो ।
मलाई रिहा हुने दिन बिहान अचानक मेरो कैदी नम्बर ९६ बोलाइयो र तानेर नजिकैको एक्लो पालमा राखियो । मेजर विवेक विष्टले पालमा भेट्यो । उसले पालेलाई मेरो पट्टी खोल्न आदेश दियो । म्ौले मेजरलाई देखेँ । उनी मैले कल्पना गरेजस्तो राक्षसै त रहेनछन् । सामान्य म्ाान्छे लाग्यो । सायद उनले मेरो सातो पहिले नै टिपिसकेका रहेछन् । उसले आफूलाई चिनेको वा नचिनेको सोध्ोे । मैले भने बोली सुनेको बताएँ । उसले कसरी भन्यो । पालमा कहिलेकाहीं आउनुहुन्थ्यो, मैले भनेँ । उसले सोध्यो, 'माडसापलाई कसैले नराम्रो गर्यो कि ?' मैले ठीक भएको बहाना गरेँ । उसले भन्यो, 'मैले तपाईंलाई विशेष ध्यान दिन भनेको थिएँ ।' मैले त्यस्तै हो, हिरासतमा भनेँ । उसले सही थप्दै भन्यो, 'माडसाप, कसैको निधारमा माओवादी लेखेको हुँदैन, सोधपुछ गर्नैपर्यो । तपाईं घानमा पर्नुभयो । माइन्ड नगर्नुहोस् ।' मैले भनेँ, माइन्ड गर्ने कुरै छैन । यदि म निर्दाेष भएको प्रमाणित भएकै हो भने रिहा गरिदिनुहोस् । उनले भने, 'मैले तपाईंको रिहाइको लागि विशेष पहल गर्दैछु, तर तपाईं यदि छुट्नुभयो भने हामीलाई के सहयोग गर्नुहुन्छ ?' मैले भनेँ, छुटेर उपचार गर्छु । सके भने पढाउँछु, पढ्छु, सकिन भने घरमा बस्छु । उसले भन्यो, 'छुटेपछि तपाईँल्ो माओवादीको सुराकी दिनुपर्छ ।'
मैले भनेँ, सरी, म सक्दिन । उसले अलि कडा स्वरमा भन्यो, 'त्यसो भए म तपाईंलाई रिहा गर्न सक्दिन ।' मैले भनेँ, निर्दाेष पनि भन्ने, नछोड्ने पनि के हो ? अलि नरम भएर उनले भन्ो, 'कोही माओवादी भेट्न आए, म एउटा नम्बर दिन्छु, त्यसमा फोन गर्नु ।' उसले चिया खाने प्रस्ताव गर्यो । मैले आफूलाई चिया मन नपर्ने बहाना गरेँ । चियाको स्वाद बिर्सेको झन्डै एक वर्ष भएको थियो । त्यसपछि उसले दोस्रो प्रस्ताव राख्यो, 'यदि छुट्नुभयो भने पत्रकार, मानवअधिकारवादीलाई नभेट्ने । भेटेमा आफ्नो सुरक्षा आफैं गर्नुहोला ।' उसले भन्यो, 'म तपाईंको शुभचिन्तक भएकोले मात्र यो कुरा भनिरहेको छु ।' उनले थप सोध्ो, 'तपाईंलाई कहाँ राखिएको छ, केही थाहा छ ?' मैलै बहाना गर्दै भनेँ, काठमाडौंंभित्र छु, तर कहाँ भन्ने पत्तो छैन । अर्काे एक जटिल प्रस्ताप राख्यो, सँगै पक्रेको निश्चल नकर्मीबारे केही बोले सुरक्षा निकायले पुनः पक्रेर फेरि जीवन दिन सक्दैनन् । उनले भने, 'नेपाल सानो छ । चाहेमा एक घन्टामा तपाईंलाई पक्रिन सकिनेछ ।' मैले भनेँ, मलाई थाहा छ । त्यसपछि मेजर गए । पट्टी पुनः बाँधियो ।
एकछिनपछि अर्काे सेनाको अधिकृतजस्तो लाग्ने व्यक्ति आएर टाउको धकेल्दै धम्कीपूर्ण स्वरमा भन्यो, 'मास्टर छुटेँ भन्ने नसम्झी । एक मिनेटमा यहाँ ल्याउने तागत छ । यहाँको बारेमा एक शब्द बाहिर भनिस् भने सम्झी तेरो ज्यान छैन ।' बिहान १० बजे खाना लिएर भान्से आयो । सधैं बाघजस्तो व्यवहार गर्ने त्यो भान्सेले निन्याउरो मुख लाउँदै भन्यो, 'माडसाप, माइन्ड नगर्नुहोस् । हामीले नचाहँदा-नचाहँदै पनि नराम्रो गर्नैपर्यो ।' मैले भनेँ, तपाईंले अह्राएको गर्नुभयो । केही माइन्ड छैन । मैले थप भनेँ, यदि तपाईं सक्नुहुन्छ भने भित्रका बन्दीमाथि थोरै भए पनि मानवता देखाउनुहोस् । उसले हुन्छ भन्यो । दिउसो २ बजेतिर आफ्ना सामान बुझेको सही गर्न लगाइयो । बेलुका ७ बजे गाडीमा जान भनेर १०० मिटरजति हिँडायो । फेरि आज जान पाइनस् भन्दै फर्काइयो । म निराश भएँ । यो सबै नाटकजस्तो लग्यो । पुनः आधा घन्टापछि लगियो र गाडीमा राखियो । पट्टी यथावत् थियो । गाडीमा घोप्टो पारेर सिटमा राखियो । कैयन घुम्ती बाटो गरिकन घुमाएर वानेश्वरस्थित एकजना नातेदारकोमा छोडियो । मेरो शारीरिक अवस्था ५० मिटर पनि हिँड्न नसक्ने भएको थियो । तौल ५८ केजीबाट घटेर ४४ केजी भएको थियो । प्रकाश देख्न नपाएका आँखाले कान्तिपुर पत्रिका पढ्न सकेनन् । हात अघिल्तिर लगेर सुत्न सकिन, हात त पछाडि नै अभ्यस्त भएछन् ।
सेनाले तारिकमा कोही पनि नलिई एक्लै आउनु भनेर धम्की दिएको थियो । मलाई छोडेकै भोलिपल्ट गणेशस्थान, कमलादीको मन्दिरमा बोलाइयो । त्यहाँ आफन्तहरूको विशेष निगरानीको व्यवस्था मिलाएको थिएँ ताकि सेनाले पनि थाहा पाउन नसकोस् । मलाई पुनः बेपत्ता पार्यो भन्ने प्रमाण बन्न्ा सकोस् । त्यसपछि नागपोखरी, टिचिङ हस्पिटल आदि ठाउँ गरेर एक वर्षमा ३६ पटकसम्म तारिक दिइयो । तारिकमा सेना प्रहरी केही नभनी सिभिलमा आउने, तोकेका ठाउँमा भेट्न जानुपर्ने, प्रत्येक पटक गोप्य कुरा भने मार्ने धम्की दिने, गाडीमा चड् भनेर डर देखाउने, माओवादी देखा भन्न्ो, घाममा राखेर अनावश्यक कुराहरू सोध्ने जस्ता अपमानजनक काम भए । यसरी सेनाका ब्यारेकका २६० दिन र त्यसपछिको एक वर्ष अत्यन्तै तनावबीच बिते ।
Thursday, November 30, 2006
Indian authorities free Maoist leaders Baidya, Gajurel
India’s West Bengal statement government released two senior Maoist leaders Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’ and Chandra Prakash Gajurel ‘Gaurav’ following a court order on Thursday.
The two Maoist leaders were released at around 4:00 pm, immediately after the Japlaigudhi district court issued their release order. Three local police stations that had filed charges against the Maoist leaders had dropped the charges at the order of the West Bengal state government on Tuesday.
Also released today were seven Indian Maoists who had been arrested on charges of assisting the Nepali Maoist leaders.
Gajurel was arrested in Chhenai, south India, in 2003 while trying to board a flight to Europe with a ‘fake’ passport. He was rearrested even after he completed his three years of jail sentence in Chennai on September 18 and was then transferred to Jalpaigudhi jail.
Another Maoist leader Baidya has been languishing in a jail in Siliguri, West Bengal, for the past few years
Both of them were facing treason charges.
Meanwhile, the two Maoist leaders are set to arrive in Jhapa, eastern Nepal, at around 8:00 this evening. They will organise a news conference in Jhapa upon their arrival, according to reports.
Wednesday, November 29, 2006
सेना र हतियार ब्यवस्थापन प्रकृयाबारे सम्झौता
नेपालमा शान्तिवार्ता गरिरहेका सरकार र माओवादीहरूले सेना र हतियार व्यवस्थापनको प्रकृयाको विषयमा मंगलबार एउटा सम्झौतामा हस्ताक्षर गरेका छन्।
सम्झौताको विस्तृत विवरण प्राप्त भएको छैन, तर उक्त सहमतिपछि अन्तरिम सम्विधान जारी गरि माओवादी सहितको अन्तरिम संसद र सरकार गठन गर्ने बाटो खुलेको छ।
संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघका प्रतिनिधिको रोहवरमा सरकार र माओवादीबीच भएको सम्झौतालाई 'हतियार र सेना ब्यवस्थापनको अनुगमन सम्वन्धि सम्झौता' नाम दिइएको छ।
१२ पन्ना लामो, सात खण्ड रहेको सम्झौतामा प्रमुख सरकारी वार्ताकार कृष्णप्रसाद सिटौला र माओवादी वार्ताटोली प्रमुख कृष्णबहादुर महराले पत्रकारहरूको सामुन्ने हस्ताक्षर गरेका थिए।
सम्झौतामा सहमतिको ढाँचा, व्यवस्थापनको चरण, सेना र हतियारको प्रमाणिकरण, फौजको केन्द्रिकरण, अस्थाई शिविर र हतियार नियन्त्रण लगायतका विषय छन्।
सम्झौतामा हस्ताक्षर गरेपछि माओवादी वार्ताकार कृष्णबहादुर महराले भने, ''सशस्त्र द्वन्दको विगतलाई ठिक ढङ्गले मिलाउनका निम्ति एउटा ब्यवहारिक सम्झौता गर्न जरुरी छ, जुन कुरा हामीले विगत ५/६ दिनदेखी यहाँ सहकार्य गरेर अहिले टुङ्ग्याएका छौं।''
६ दिन लामो प्रयासपछि सरकार र माओवादी मंगलबार बल्ल सहमतिमा पुगेका हुन्।
हस्ताक्षर लगत्तै दुबै प्रमुख वार्ताकारले संयुक्त रुपमा संय�
Nepal's Government, Rebels Sign Weapons Management Agreement
Nepal's rebels signed an accord with the government on surrendering their weapons, completing another step in the peace process aimed at ending a decade-long civil war in the Himalayan kingdom.
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will lock up its arms under United Nations supervision at 28 camps across the country, Nepalnews.com reported, citing the agreement signed in the capital, Kathmandu, late yesterday.
The accord ``sends a very positive signal about the momentum of the peace process in Nepal,'' UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters in New York yesterday, according to a statement on the UN Web site.
The rebels fought to overthrow the monarchy and replace it with a communist republic. The insurgency killed 13,000 people and sapped the economy of the nation, where about 40 percent of the population of 27 million lives below the poverty line. The Maoists and government signed a peace accord on Nov. 21 and aim to form and interim government on Dec. 1.
The rebels will be allowed to keep 30 weapons for security in each of the seven main camps, and 15 arms in the 21 satellite cantonments, the report said. They will also be allowed to carry out light military drills, Nepalnews.com said.
During peace talks, the rebels revealed that their People's Liberation Army had about 35,000 fighters. Any combatants aged 18 and above and recruited before the May cease-fire must remain in the camps, the report said. Up to 12 percent of the rebel army will be allowed to take leave at a time.
Integrated Army
The two sides have reached an agreement on integrating the PLA into the Nepalese army, Nepalnews.com said, without providing further details.
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has written to the Security Council asking it to provide monitors for the arms agreement and to assist elections in June 2007, Dujarric said. The elections are for an assembly that will draw up a new constitution.
The insurgency has sapped Nepal's economic growth, which is forecast to shrink to 1.8 percent this year. The kingdom, located between India and China, is one of the world's poorest countries.
Under the agreement, the fate of the monarchy will be decided at the first meeting of the constituent assembly next year. The Maoists say the institution must be abolished. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala favors King Gyanendra remaining as a figurehead with a ceremonial role.
Gyanendra, who was forced in April to restore parliament after 14 months of autocratic rule, has already been stripped of much of his power. He is no longer head of the army, his income and assets are taxable and a resolution passed unanimously by lawmakers in May turned Nepal, once the world's only Hindu kingdom, into a secular state.
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will lock up its arms under United Nations supervision at 28 camps across the country, Nepalnews.com reported, citing the agreement signed in the capital, Kathmandu, late yesterday.
The accord ``sends a very positive signal about the momentum of the peace process in Nepal,'' UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters in New York yesterday, according to a statement on the UN Web site.
The rebels fought to overthrow the monarchy and replace it with a communist republic. The insurgency killed 13,000 people and sapped the economy of the nation, where about 40 percent of the population of 27 million lives below the poverty line. The Maoists and government signed a peace accord on Nov. 21 and aim to form and interim government on Dec. 1.
The rebels will be allowed to keep 30 weapons for security in each of the seven main camps, and 15 arms in the 21 satellite cantonments, the report said. They will also be allowed to carry out light military drills, Nepalnews.com said.
During peace talks, the rebels revealed that their People's Liberation Army had about 35,000 fighters. Any combatants aged 18 and above and recruited before the May cease-fire must remain in the camps, the report said. Up to 12 percent of the rebel army will be allowed to take leave at a time.
Integrated Army
The two sides have reached an agreement on integrating the PLA into the Nepalese army, Nepalnews.com said, without providing further details.
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has written to the Security Council asking it to provide monitors for the arms agreement and to assist elections in June 2007, Dujarric said. The elections are for an assembly that will draw up a new constitution.
The insurgency has sapped Nepal's economic growth, which is forecast to shrink to 1.8 percent this year. The kingdom, located between India and China, is one of the world's poorest countries.
Under the agreement, the fate of the monarchy will be decided at the first meeting of the constituent assembly next year. The Maoists say the institution must be abolished. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala favors King Gyanendra remaining as a figurehead with a ceremonial role.
Gyanendra, who was forced in April to restore parliament after 14 months of autocratic rule, has already been stripped of much of his power. He is no longer head of the army, his income and assets are taxable and a resolution passed unanimously by lawmakers in May turned Nepal, once the world's only Hindu kingdom, into a secular state.
Sunday, November 26, 2006
Govt leadership is mired in partisan politics: UML general secretary
CPN (UML) general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal today reiterated his disenchantment with the current leadership of the government, saying that the leadership of the upcoming interim government should be held by “somebody who is able to rise above partisan interests”.
Speaking at a programme in the capital, Nepal said that many important works had been hanging fire because of the monopolistic nature of the leadership of the government.
Without naming Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala for what he called “partisan politics” within the cabinet, the UML general secretary said, “For the interim government, we should find a leader who is able to rise above partisan interests.”
He even said that some parties were trying to belittle the contribution of other parties in the successful people’s movement. “Some parties are trying to look taller by stepping on the head of others,” Nepal said.
Reiterating his claim that there was no agreement on the leadership of the future interim government during negotiations on the agreement signed on November 8, Nepal revealed that the UML had not yet decided whether to join the interim government.
UML leaders were quick to dismiss the statement made by Maoist supremo Prachanda on November 9 that there was consensus among the eight parties on Koirala as the leader of the interim cabinet.
The UML has been threatening to stay out of the interim government if ministerial berths are not allocated fairly.
No Sign of Interim Parliament in Nepal
Nepal's ruling parties have missed a Sunday deadline to form an interim parliament with Maoist rebels, the latest in a series of delays that have prompted a Maoist leader to question the government's commitment to a landmark peace accord.
Days after signing a peace accord with the communist rebels to end a decade-old insurgency that claimed more than 13,000 lives, there was no sign of the interim parliament mandated in the accord, officials said.
Days after signing a peace accord with the communist rebels to end a decade-old insurgency that claimed more than 13,000 lives, there was no sign of the interim parliament mandated in the accord, officials said.
Maoist leader Prachanda, who goes by one name, was planning to meet with Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala to express the rebels' concerns, said Dev Gurung, a member of the communist rebels' peace talks team.
"These delays are causing the people to lose faith in us," Gurung said. "It appears the government is not serious about following the agreement."
The government denied the accusations, saying officials had been busy with other issues related to the peace process.
Tourism Minister Pradeep Gyawali, a government negotiator, said they have been occupied by talks with the Maoists and the United Nations on setting up and operating camps where the Maoist fighters would be confined and their weapons locked.
"The interim parliament may have been delayed by maybe a week, but we are all involved in the peace process," Gyawali said.
Under the peace deal, the Maoists are to get 73 of the 330 seats in the interim parliament. Koirala's Nepali Congress party will remain the largest bloc, with 85 seats, while the Maoists' number of seats will equal that held by the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist). The rest of the seats will be shared among other, smaller parties.
After joining the interim parliament, the rebels are scheduled by Dec. 1 to be part of an interim government that will conduct crucial elections next year.
"These delays are causing the people to lose faith in us," Gurung said. "It appears the government is not serious about following the agreement."
The government denied the accusations, saying officials had been busy with other issues related to the peace process.
Tourism Minister Pradeep Gyawali, a government negotiator, said they have been occupied by talks with the Maoists and the United Nations on setting up and operating camps where the Maoist fighters would be confined and their weapons locked.
"The interim parliament may have been delayed by maybe a week, but we are all involved in the peace process," Gyawali said.
Under the peace deal, the Maoists are to get 73 of the 330 seats in the interim parliament. Koirala's Nepali Congress party will remain the largest bloc, with 85 seats, while the Maoists' number of seats will equal that held by the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist). The rest of the seats will be shared among other, smaller parties.
After joining the interim parliament, the rebels are scheduled by Dec. 1 to be part of an interim government that will conduct crucial elections next year.
Thursday, November 23, 2006
King Gyanendra hails peace accord
King Gyanendra today welcomed, rather unexpectedly, the peace agreement signed between the government and the Maoists on Tuesday.
"His Majesty the King is pleased that a peace agreement has been concluded in keeping with the nation's need and people's aspirations," a press statement issued by the Royal Palace Secretariat said, adding that the agreement has came as per the need of the country and aspiration of the people.
Appreciating the contribution of all those involved to end bloodshed, violence and terrorism through the peace pact, the King also hoped that a prosperous and peaceful Nepal could be established with the collective effort of all the Nepalis through multiparty democracy.
He also prayed for eternal peace of those who lost their lives, the statement said.
The government and the Maoists started peace process with the fall of King Gyanendra’s 14-month long direct rule.
The government-Maoist agreement signed on November 8 stated that a simple majority of the first meeting of the constituent assembly would decide the fate of monarchy in Nepal.
The Rayamajhi commission its report has held King Gyanendra and a host of his aides and security officials responsible for widespread atrocities during the pro-democracy movement in April. The report has recommended that the government initiate action against the monarch after forming necessary laws as the existing ones do not allow action against the head of the state
Wednesday, November 22, 2006
Full text of the Comprehensive Peace Accord
Full text of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement held between Government of Nepal and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [ 2006-11-22 ]
Preamble
Respecting popular mandate of Nepali people expressed in favor of democracy, peace and progression through the historical struggles and people's movements, time and again, from 2007 BS and even before till now;
Reaffirming the full commitment towards the twelve-point agreement reached between seven political parties, CPN (Maoist), eight- point consensus, twenty-five point code of conduct held between Government of Nepal and CPN (Maoist), decision made in the meeting held between apex leaders of seven political parties and CPN (Maoist) held on Nov. 8 2006 including all agreement, consensus, code of conduct reached between Government of Nepal and CPN (Maoist), and letters of similar viewpoints sent to United Nations;
Expressing determination for progressive restructuring of the state to resolve existing problems in the country, based on class, cast, region, sex;
Reiterating the full commitment towards democratic value and acceptance including competitive multiparty democratic system of governance, civil liberty, fundamental rights, human rights, full press freedom and concept of rule of law;
Remaining committed towards Universal Declaration of Human rights, 2048, international humanitarian laws and basic principles and acceptance relating to human rights;
Keeping democracy, peace, prosperity, progressive economic and social change and independence, indivisibility, sovereignty, and self respect of the country at centre;
Expressing commitment to hold election to constituent assembly in free and fair manner till the end of the month of Jeth 2064 BS;
Declaring the beginning of a new chapter of peaceful collaboration by ending armed struggle continued in the country from 2052 BS through political consensus between the two parties to ensure sovereignty of Nepali People through constituent assembly, forward looking political resolution, democratic restructuring of the state and economic-social and cultural transformation;
This comprehensive peace agreement has been reached between Government of Nepal and CPN (Maoist) with commitment to transform ceasefire between Government of Nepal and CPN (Maoist) into sustainable peace.
1. Preliminary 1.1. The name of this agreement is "Comprehensive Peace Agreement?. In short the agreement shall be called Peace Agreement.
1.2.The agreement shall come into force after public declaration by the government and Maoist side.
1.3.Both the sides shall give necessary directives to all the agencies under their control for immediate implementation of this agreement and to abide by it and implement it and get it implemented.
1.4.All the agreement, consensus and decision reached between seven political parties, the government and Maoists that are enclosed in annex shall be integral part of this agreement.
1.5.The consensus and agreement to be reached hereafter for the implementation of this agreement shall also be the integral part of this agreement.
2. Definition: Unless the subject and context mean otherwise, in this agreement:(a) ?Ceasefire"means the acts to negate all forms of aggressions, kidnappings, disappearances, taking into custody aimed at each other and between Government of Nepal and CPN (Maoist), mobilisation and strengthening of armed forces, destruction in the society by any means including aggression and activities of violence and acts of incitement and instigation.
(b) ?Interim Constitution"means "Interim Constitution of Nepal 2063"to be issued until drafting and enforcement of the new constitution by constituent assembly.
"Interim Council of Ministers"means "Interim Council of Ministers"to be formed according to Interim Constitution.
"Both the Parties"means the party of Government of Nepal and the party of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).
"Prevailing Law"means Interim Constitution of Nepal 2063 and prevailing Nepal Laws that are not inconsistent with it. But this definition shall not obstruct legal arrangement existed before enforcement of Interim constitution 2063.
"Verification"means the subject of verification and true record keeping of military, combatant and arms by United Nations.
3. Political - Economic - Social Transformation and Conflict ManagementBoth the parties are in agreement to adopt following policy and program for political-economic and social transformation and to affirmatively resolve existing conflict in the country:
3.1. To ensure forward moving political economic and social transformation on the basis of decision made in summit meeting between seven political parties and CPN (Maoist) held on Nov. 8, 2006 (Annex-6)
3.2. To guarantee sovereignty inherent in Nepalese people in practice by forming interim legislature - parliament according to interim constitution and by holding election to constituent assembly in free and fair manner till the Month of Jeth, 2064 BS by Interim Government.
3.3. To not allow any authority regarding affairs of governance of the country to remain with the king. To bring the properties of late King Birendra, late queen Aishworya and their family under Government of Nepal and to make use of the property in the interest of the state by forming a trust. To nationalise all the properties (like palaces situated in different places, forest and parks, heritages with historical and archeological importance) received by King Gyanendra in his capacity as the King. To decide the issue of whether or not to retain the monarchy by simple majority in the first meeting of constituent assembly.
3.4. To adopt a political system that complies with universally accepted fundamental human rights, multiparty competitive democratic system, sovereignty inherited in people, supremacy of the people, constitutional check and balance, rule of law, social justice, equality, independent judiciary, periodic election, monitoring by civil society, complete press freedom, people's right to information, transparency and accountability in the activities of political parties, people's participation, impartial, competent, and fair concept of bureaucracy.
3.5. To address the problems related to women, Dalit, indigenous people, Janajatis, Madheshi, oppressed, neglected, minorities and the backward by ending discrimination based on class, caste, language, sex, culture, religion, and region and to restructure the state on the basis of inclusiveness, democracy and progression by ending present centralised and unitary structure of the state.
3.6. To keep implementing at least programs of common consensus for the economic and social transformation to end all forms of feudalism.
3.7. To adopt the policy to implement scientific land reform program by ending feudalistic system of land holding.
3.8. To follow the policy for the protection and promotion of national industries and resources. 3.9. To adopt policy to establish rights of all citizens in education, health, housing, employment and food reserve.
3.10. To adopt policy to provide land and other economic protection to landless squatters, Kamaiya, Halia, Harwa, Charwa and economically backward section.
3.11. To adopt policy to severely punish people amassing properties by means of corruption while remaining in government posts.
3.12. To form common development concept for economic and social transformation and justice and to make the country developed and economically prosperous, at the earliest.
3.13. To follow the policy to increase investment in industries, trade and export promotion in order to increase opportunities for income generation by ensuring professional rights of the laborers.
Management of Army and ArmsIn order to hold election to constituent assembly in free and fair manner and for the democratic restructuring of the army to proceed with the following works according to twelve point agreement, eight point consensus, twenty-five point code of conduct, five-point letter sent to United Nations and decision taken by summit meeting held on Nov. 8:
Relating to the Maoists' Army-4.1 As per the commitment expressed in the letter sent on behalf of the Government of Nepal and the CPN (Maoist) to the United Nations on August 9, 2006, the Maoists' Army combatants shall remain within the following Cantonments. The UN shall verify and monitor them.
The main Cantonments shall remain in the following locations:1. Kailali 2. Surkhet 3. Rolpa 4. Nawalparasi5. Chitwan 6. Sindhuli 7. Ilam
Three sub-cantonments shall be placed in the periphery of each of these main cantonments.4.2. After placing the Maoist combatants within the Cantonments, all the arms and ammunition except those required for providing security to the Cantonments shall be securely stored and the keys to the single lock shall remain with the side concerned. The UN shall monitor the process of placing the weapons under the single lock by keeping records and fitting a device along with siren. In case of need to examine the weapons placed under the single lock, the UN shall do so under the presence of concerned side. All the technical details along with Camera Monitoring shall be prepared under the joint agreement of the UN, CPN (Maoist) and the Government of Nepal.
4.3. The government of Nepal shall make all the necessary arrangements including ration needed for the Maoist combatants after placing them within the Cantonments.
4.4. The Interim Council of Ministers shall form a special committee in order to inspect, integrate and rehabilitate the Maoist combatants.
4.5. The government shall be taking care of security arrangements of the Maoist leaders.Relating to the Nepali Army-
4.6. As per the commitment expressed in the letter sent to the UN, the Nepali Army shall be confined within the barracks. Guarantee that the arms shall not be used for or against any side. The Nepali Army shall store the same amount of arms in accordance with that of the Maoists and seal it with single-lock and give the key to the concerned side. In case of need to examine the stored arms, the UN would do so in the presence of the concerned side. Prepare the details of technology including camera for monitoring as per the agreement among the Government of Nepal, the Maoists and the UN.
4.7. The Council of Ministers shall control, mobilise and manage the Nepali Army as per the new Military Act. The Interim Council of Ministers shall prepare and implement the detailed action plan of democratisation of the Nepali Army by taking suggestions from the concerned committee of the Interim Parliament. This shall include tasks such as determining the right number of the Nepali Army, preparing the democratic structure reflecting the national and inclusive character and training them as per the democratic principles and values of the human rights.
4.8. Nepali Army shall be giving continuity to tasks such as border security, security of the conservation areas, protected areas, banks, airport, power house, telephone tower, central secretariat and security of VIPs.
5. Cease-Fire5.1. Termination of military action and armed mobilisation:5.1.1. Both sides shall express commitment to refrain from carrying out following activities:a. Direct or indirect use of any type of weapon or acts of attack against each other.b. Searching or confiscating weapons belonging to other side with or without weapons at the place where the arms have been stored as per the understanding reached between both sides.c. Hurt or render mental pressure against any individual.d. Set up ambush targeting any side.e. Involve in murder or violent activities.f. Involvement in kidnap/detention/imprisonment/disappearance g. Arial attack or bombardment. h. Mining and sabotaging. i. Spying military activities of any side.
5.1.2. Both sides shall not recruit additional armed forces or conduct military activities, including transporting weapons, ammunitions and explosives.
However, the security forces deployed by the interim government shall have authority to conduct routine patrol, explore in order to prevent illegal trafficking of the weapons, explosives or raw materials used in assembling weapons at the international border or custom points and seize it.5.1.3. No individual or group shall bear any illegal weapons, ammunitions or explosives while traveling.
5.1.4. Both sides shall assist each other to mark the landmines and booby-traps used during the time of armed conflict by providing necessary information within 30 days and defuse and excavate it within 60 days.
5.1.5. Armies of both sides shall not bear arms or show their presence wearing combat fatigue during any public programme, political meeting or civil assembly.
5.1.6. Nepal Police and Armed Police Force shall give continuity to the task of maintaining legal system and law and order along with criminal investigation as per the norms and sentiments of the Jana Andolan and peace accord as well as prevailing law.
5.1.7. Both sides shall issue circular to its respective armed bodies or personnel to stop addressing any armed personnel of opposite side by the term 'enemy' or behave in similar manner.
5.1.8. Both sides agree to maintain a record of the government, public, private building, land and other property seized, locked up or not allowed to use in course of the armed conflict and return them back immediately.
5.2 Situation Normalisation Measures:5.2.1. Collection of cash or kind and tax collection against one's wish and against the existing law shall not be allowed.
5.2.2. Both sides agree to make public the status of the people under one's custody and release them within 15 days.
5.2.3. Both sides also agree to make public within 60 days of signing of the agreement the real name, caste and address of the people made 'disappeared' or killed during the conflict and also inform the family members about it.
5.2.4. Both sides agree to constitute a National Peace and Rehabilitation Commission and carry out works through it to normalise the adverse situation arising as a result of the armed conflict, maintain peace in the society and run relief and rehabilitation works for the people victimised and displaced as a result of the conflict.
5.2.5. Both sides agree to set up a High-level Truth and Reconciliation Commission as per the mutual consensus in order to probe about those involved in serious violation of human rights and crime against humanity in course of the armed conflict and develop an atmosphere for reconciliation in the society.
5.2.6. Both sides pledge to abandon all types of war, attack, counter-attack, violence and counter-violence in the country with a commitment to ensure loktantra, peace and forward-looking change in the Nepali society. It is also agreed that both the sides would assist one another in the establishment of peace and maintaining of law and order.
5.2.7. Both sides guarantee to withdraw accusations, claims, complaints and under-consideration cases leveled against various individuals due to political reasons and immediately make public the state of those imprisoned and immediately release them.
5.2.8. Both sides express the commitment to allow without any political prejudice the people displaced due to the armed conflict to return back voluntarily to their respective ancestral or former residence, reconstruct the infrastructure destroyed as a result of the conflict and rehabilitate and reintegrate the displaced people into the society.
5.2.9. Both sides agree to take individual and collective responsibility of resolving, with also the support of all political parties, civil society and local institutions, any problems arising in the aforementioned context on the basis of mutual consensus and creating an atmosphere conducive for normalisation of mutual relations and for reconciliation.
5.2.10. Both sides express the commitment not to discriminate against or exert any kind of pressure on any member of the family of the two sides or on the basis of being related to one another.
5.2.11. Both sides agree not to create any kind of obstacle and allow any kind of obstruction to be created in the independent traveling, assuming of duties and executing of work by the Government of Nepal and Public Bodies' employees and assist them in their work.
5.2.12. Both sides agree to allow unrestricted traveling as per the law within the state of Nepal to the United Nations, International Donors Agencies and Diplomatic Missions based in Nepal, National and International Non-Government Organisations, Press, Human Rights Activists, Election Observers and foreign tourists.
5.2.13. Both sides are committed to operating publicity programs in a decent and respectable manner.
6. End of conflict6.1. On the basis of the historical agreement reached between the Seven Political Parties and the CPN (Maoist) on November 8, 2006, we declare an end to the armed conflict ongoing in the country since 1995 by giving permanency to the ongoing cease-fire between the Government and the Maoist.
6.2. The decisions taken by the meeting on November 8, 2006 of the senior leaders of the Seven Parties and the CPN (Maoist) would be the main policy basis for long-term peace.
6.3. Following the arrival of the Nepali Army in the barracks and the Maoist Army combatants in temporary camps, holding, display and use of violence and arms for creating fear and terror and in any form against the agreement and law would be legally punishable.
6.4. Army of both the sides would not be allowed to publicise for or against any side and support or protest any side. But they shall not be deprived from their right to vote.
7. Human Rights, Fundamental Rights and Adherence to Humanitarian LawBy remaining committed to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, the International Humanitarian Law and fundamental principles and standards of human rights, both sides expressed their agreement to the following issues:
7.1. Human Rights:7.1.1. Both sides reiterate their commitment to the respect and protection of human rights and to international humanitarian law and accept that nobody should be discriminated against on the basis of colour, gender, language, religion, age, race, national and social origin, wealth, disability, birth and other status, thought or belief.
7.1.2. Both sides agree to create an atmosphere where the Nepali people can enjoy their civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and are committed to ensuring that such rights are not violated under any circumstances in the future.
7.1.3. Both sides express the commitment that impartial investigation and action as per the law would be carried out against the people responsible in creating obstructions to the exercising of the rights envisaged in the letter of agreement and guarantee not to encourage impunity. Apart from this, they shall also guarantee the right to relief of the families of the conflict and torture victims and the disappeared.
7.1.4. Both sides would not be involved in the acts of torture, kidnapping and forcing the civilians in any work and take necessary action to discourage such acts.
7.1.5. On the basis of norms and values of secularism, both sides shall respect the social, cultural, religious sensitivity, religious site and the religious faith of the individual.
7.2. Right to Live:7.2.1. Both sides respect and protect the fundamental right to live of an individual. Nobody shall be deprived of this fundamental right and no law shall be formulated to award death penalty.
7.3. Right to Individual Dignity, Freedom and Mobility
7.3.1. Both sides respect and protect the right to individual dignity. In this connection, no person including those deprived of enjoying freedom as per the law would be subjected to torture or any other cruel, inhuman or degrading behaviour or punishment. The citizen's right to confidentiality shall be respected.
7.3.2. Both sides shall fully respect the individual's right to freedom and security and shall not be allowed to keep anyone under arbitrary or illegal detention, kidnap or hold captive. Both sides agree to make public the status of every individual made 'disappeared' and held captive and inform about this to their family members, legal advisor and other authorised person.
7.3.3. Both sides shall respect and protect the citizens' right to free mobility and the freedom to choose within legal norms the location of one's residence and express the commitment to respect the right of the people displaced by the conflict and their families to return back to their homes or to settle in any other location of their choice.
7.4. Civil and Political Rights7.4.1. Both sides are committed to respect the individual's freedom of speech, expression, setting up organisations and holding peaceful gatherings and right to freedom of exploitation.
7.4.2. Both sides respect the right of every citizen to take part directly or through one's selected representative in issues of public concern, to vote, to be elected and equality in joining of public services.
7.4.3. Both sides are committed to respect the individual's right to be informed.
7.5. Economic?Social Rights
7.5.1. Both sides are committed to respect and protect the individual's right to livelihood through employment of their choice or acceptance.
Full text of the peace agreement7.5.2. Both sides are committed to respecting and guaranteeing the rights of food security of all the people. They guarantee that there would be no interference in the transportation, use and distribution of food, food products and food grains.
7.5.3. Both sides identify with the fact that the citizens' right to health should be respected and protected. Both sides will not create hurdles in the supply of medicines and in health assistance and campaigns, and express commitment for treatment and rehabilitation of the people injured in course of the conflict.
7.5.4. With the realisation of the fact that the right to education should be guaranteed and respected, both sides are committed to maintaining a conducive academic environment in the educational institutions. Both sides agree to guarantee that the right to education would not be impeded. They agree to put to an end, on an immediate basis, activities like taking the educational institutions under control and using them, abducting teachers and students, taking them under control and making them to disappear, and to not to establish barracks in a way that it would impede them.
7.5.5. Both sides agree that the private property of any individual would not be seized or usurped, except permitted by the laws.
7.5.6. Both sides believe in the fact that the industrial climate in the country should not be disturbed and production should be given continuity and that the right of collective bargaining and social security should be respected. They also believe in the fact that if any problem arises between the business houses and labourers, they should be encouraged to resolve the problem in a peaceful manner. Both sides respect the right to work prescribed by the International Labour Organisation.
7.6. Women and Child Rights7.6.1. Both sides fully agree to protect the rights of the women and children in a special way, to immediately stop all types of violence against women and children, including child labour as well as sexual exploitation and abuse. They also fully agree not to include or use children who are 18 years old and below in the armed force. Children thus affected would be instantaneously rescued and necessary and suitable assistance would be provided for their rehabilitation.
7.7. Right of Personal Liberty 7.7.1. Both sides agree to the freedom of opinion and expression; freedom to assemble peaceably and without arms; freedom of movement; freedom to practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, industry or trade; press and publication rights; the freedom to take part in peaceful political activities; the right of equality before the law; and to implement and have a tolerable system of justice implemented.
8. Dispute Settlement and Implementation Mechanism8.1. Both sides agree to become responsible and accountable in a personal and collective way and not to repeat in future mistakes committed in the past and also to correct these mistakes on a gradual basis.
8.2. The National Peace and Rehabilitation Commission can set up mechanism as per the need for making the campaign for peace successful. The composition and working procedures of the Commission would be as determined by the interim Council of Ministers.
8.3. Both sides are committed to settle all kinds of present or possible future mutual differences or problems through mutual talks, understanding, consensus and dialogue.
8.4. Both sides express commitment that the interim Council of Ministers can constitute and determine the working procedures of the National Peace and Rehabilitation Commission, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the High-level State Restructuring Recommendation Commission and other mechanisms as per the need to implement this agreement, the Interim Constitution and all the decisions, agreements and understandings reached between the Seven-party Alliance, the Government of Nepal and the CPN (Maoist).
9. Implementation and Follow-upBoth sides have agreed to make the following arrangements for the implementation of the understandings mentioned in this agreement and for their follow-up -
9.1. Both sides agree to give continuity to the task of monitoring of the human rights provisions mentioned in this agreement by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Nepal.
9.2. Both sides agree for the monitoring of the management of arms and the armies by the United Nations Mission in Nepal as mentioned in the five-point letter send to the UN earlier and in the present agreement.
9.3. Both sides agree to get the United Nations supervise the election to the Constituent Assembly.
9.4. The National Human Rights Commission shall also carry out works related to the monitoring of human rights as mentioned in this agreement together with the responsibility assigned to it as per the laws. In connection with carrying out its works, the Commission can take the help of national and international human rights organisations after maintaining necessary coordination with them.
9.5. Both sides agree to accept the reports submitted by the above-mentioned bodies, to provide the information requested by them, and to implement the suggestions and recommendations given by them on the basis of consensus and dialogue.
10. Miscellaneous10.1. Both sides agree not to operate parallel or any form of structure in any areas of the state or government structure as per the letter of the decisions of November 8 and the spirit of the peace agreement.
10.2. Both sides accept to sign any complementary agreements, as necessitated, for the implementation of the present agreement.
10.3. This agreement can be revised any time with the consent of both sides. Both sides agree to provide to each other prior written information if they wish to make any changes. The amendments could be made to the agreement with the consent of both sides after receiving the information. The provisions to be made by such an amendment would not be below the minimum standards of the accepted international human rights and humanitarian laws.
10.4. If any disputes arise in any interpretation of this agreement, a joint mechanism comprising both sides shall make the interpretation on the basis of the preamble and the documents included in the schedule of this agreement, and this interpretation would be final.
10.5. The concept of 'two sides' as mentioned in this agreement would automatically cease to exist after the constitution of the Interim Legislature -Parliament. Thereafter, all the responsibility of implementing the obligations stated in this agreement shall be as per the arrangements made by the interim Council of Ministers. It would be the duty and responsibility of all the political parties to extend cooperation in the compliance and implementation of the agreement.
10.6. We heartily appeal to one and all to extend cooperation for resolving their problems and demands through talks and dialogue and for holding the election to the constituent assembly and maintaining the law and order, at a time when the entire country is focused on the main campaign of the election of the Constituent Assembly.
10.7. We heartily appeal to the civil society, the professional groups, the class organisations, the media, the intellectual community and all the Nepali people to actively participate in this historic campaign of building a new Nepal and establishing lasting peace through the election of the Constituent Assembly by ending the armed conflict.
10.8. We heartily urge all the friendly countries and the United Nations, as well as the International Community to extend support to Nepal in this campaign of establishing full democracy and lasting peace.
Cognizant of the responsibility of the future of the country and the people, and becoming fully committed to this comprehensive peace agreement, we, on behalf of the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), hereby make public this comprehensive peace agreement after signing it.
Prachanda Girija Prasad KoiralaPresident Prime MinisterCommunist Party Government of Nepal (Maoist) Nepal Signed on November 21, 2006
Nepalese government, rebels sign peace deal
The government and Maoist rebels signed a peace deal today to end a 10-year insurgency, marking the start of a hopeful but uncertain political era in this Himalayan nation, the world's last Hindu monarchy.
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and rebel leader Prachanda signed the accord at a Katmandu convention hall packed with cheering officials, dignitaries and foreign diplomats.
"This ends the more than one decade of civil war in the country," said Prachanda, who goes by a single name. "We will now turn to a campaign of peace and building a new Nepal."
The prime minister also hailed the peace deal, saying it "has opened the door for a permanent peace and Nepal has entered a new era."
During the war, the Maoists took control of wide swaths of this Himalayan country, for decades a magnet for Westerners in search of Eastern spirituality and mountain climbers determined to scale the world's highest peaks — including Mount Everest.
The rebels built schools, tried to dismantle Hindu caste barriers and aided poor farmers, many of whom still live in near-feudal conditions.
But the Maoists also promoted a rigid communist orthodoxy and puritanical morals, and were known for murderously enforcing their will on opponents. It remains to be seen how much influence the new government will have in areas they control.
The agreement came after months of negotiations that centered on how to disarm the insurgents and bring them into the government, which they helped bring to power by backing mass protests in April against the monarch, King Gyanendra.
A government commission Monday issued a report blaming Gyanendra for the brutal crackdown on the April protests that left 19 people dead and hundreds wounded or arrested.
The commission recommended that the monarch be punished, and the prime minister has hinted that criminal charges are possible.
The government that took power last spring launched peace talks with the rebels and restored parliament, which the king had suspended 14 months earlier.
For Nepalese like Sangita Tamang, a domestic servant from eastern Nepal who fled to Katmandu a few years ago, today's peace agreement brought the chance for a fresh start.
"Finally, we can return to our villages and see our family and home," she said.
Those who took part in April's protests hailed the deal as a vindication of their struggle.
"This day is why tens of thousands of Nepalese took to the streets earlier this year," said Prabesh Gurung, a college student.
Under today's deal, the rebels will join parliament by Sunday with 73 of the chamber's 330 seats. Koirala's Nepali Congress party will remain the largest bloc in parliament with 85 seats, while the Maoists will be equal with the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist). The rest of the seats will be shared among other, smaller parties.
The rebels' representation in parliament should give them a significant role in a new interim government, scheduled to be in place by Dec. 1. Officials still were working out the details of how the administration would be set up.
The rebels also are supposed to play a major part in the planned election of a constituent assembly that is charged with rewriting the constitution and deciding on the monarchy's fate.
Centrist parties favor a constitution that preserves the monarchy in a ceremonial role, while the Maoists want the crown abolished.
A 2001, the Nepalese crown prince gunned down Gyanendra's older brother, the late King Birendra, and much of the royal family before killing himself. The massacre helped pierce the mystique surrounding Nepal's royalty.
Four years after Gyanendra took the throne, he dismissed parliament and seized sole power, saying he would bring order to a chaotic and corrupt political scene and quell the insurgency.
But the insurgency grew, the economy faltered and Gyanendra used banned criticism of himself, his government and the army.
In the months since April's unrest, Gyanendra has been stripped of his powers, command over the army and his immunity from prosecution.
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and rebel leader Prachanda signed the accord at a Katmandu convention hall packed with cheering officials, dignitaries and foreign diplomats.
"This ends the more than one decade of civil war in the country," said Prachanda, who goes by a single name. "We will now turn to a campaign of peace and building a new Nepal."
The prime minister also hailed the peace deal, saying it "has opened the door for a permanent peace and Nepal has entered a new era."
During the war, the Maoists took control of wide swaths of this Himalayan country, for decades a magnet for Westerners in search of Eastern spirituality and mountain climbers determined to scale the world's highest peaks — including Mount Everest.
The rebels built schools, tried to dismantle Hindu caste barriers and aided poor farmers, many of whom still live in near-feudal conditions.
But the Maoists also promoted a rigid communist orthodoxy and puritanical morals, and were known for murderously enforcing their will on opponents. It remains to be seen how much influence the new government will have in areas they control.
The agreement came after months of negotiations that centered on how to disarm the insurgents and bring them into the government, which they helped bring to power by backing mass protests in April against the monarch, King Gyanendra.
A government commission Monday issued a report blaming Gyanendra for the brutal crackdown on the April protests that left 19 people dead and hundreds wounded or arrested.
The commission recommended that the monarch be punished, and the prime minister has hinted that criminal charges are possible.
The government that took power last spring launched peace talks with the rebels and restored parliament, which the king had suspended 14 months earlier.
For Nepalese like Sangita Tamang, a domestic servant from eastern Nepal who fled to Katmandu a few years ago, today's peace agreement brought the chance for a fresh start.
"Finally, we can return to our villages and see our family and home," she said.
Those who took part in April's protests hailed the deal as a vindication of their struggle.
"This day is why tens of thousands of Nepalese took to the streets earlier this year," said Prabesh Gurung, a college student.
Under today's deal, the rebels will join parliament by Sunday with 73 of the chamber's 330 seats. Koirala's Nepali Congress party will remain the largest bloc in parliament with 85 seats, while the Maoists will be equal with the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist). The rest of the seats will be shared among other, smaller parties.
The rebels' representation in parliament should give them a significant role in a new interim government, scheduled to be in place by Dec. 1. Officials still were working out the details of how the administration would be set up.
The rebels also are supposed to play a major part in the planned election of a constituent assembly that is charged with rewriting the constitution and deciding on the monarchy's fate.
Centrist parties favor a constitution that preserves the monarchy in a ceremonial role, while the Maoists want the crown abolished.
A 2001, the Nepalese crown prince gunned down Gyanendra's older brother, the late King Birendra, and much of the royal family before killing himself. The massacre helped pierce the mystique surrounding Nepal's royalty.
Four years after Gyanendra took the throne, he dismissed parliament and seized sole power, saying he would bring order to a chaotic and corrupt political scene and quell the insurgency.
But the insurgency grew, the economy faltered and Gyanendra used banned criticism of himself, his government and the army.
In the months since April's unrest, Gyanendra has been stripped of his powers, command over the army and his immunity from prosecution.
Tuesday, November 21, 2006
Make law to punish king: HLPC
The High Level Probe Commission (HLPC) has recommended that the government formulate necessary laws to take action against King Gyanendra and the Council of Ministers for misusing authority during the royal regime.
A source at the commission said there is no law to take action against the king and cabinet members, who are not in authority. "The king, being the head of the executive must own responsibility," the source said. "And the existing parliament must formulate law in this regard."
In an 1184-page report submitted to Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on Monday, the commission also recommended corruption charges against three ministers - Kamal Thapa, home minister; Shrisha Shumshere Rana, minister of state for Information and Communications; Tanka Dhakal, minister for Local Development; and Pyar Jung Thapa, Chief of Nepali Army during the royal regime.
Former Home Minister Thapa has been charged of misappropriating Rs 10 million, Rana - Rs 4 million, Dhakal - Rs 1.5 million and Army chief Thapa - Rs 20 million from state funds during the royal regime.
"All the charged ministers and the army chief had admitted to having misused state funds during their interrogation with the commission," the source said.
The report, divided into three volumes, has also recommended murder charges against 15 security personnel, including Senior Superintendent of Armed Police Force (APF) Durja Kumar Rai, Major Rabi KC, Major Anish Rijal and APF Sub Inspector Ram Kumar Khatri.
Durja has been found guilty of opening fire in Kalanki on April 20, where five pro-democracy protesters were killed and Khatri was held responsible for killing a woman in Banepa during the April movement.
Similarly, the report has recommended dismissal from public position of the then Chief Secretary Lok Man Singh Karki, APF SSP Madhav Thapa and Chief District Officer of Kathmandu Sushil Ghimire for misusing authority during the royal regime.
The report has also recommended to the government that it issue a warning of dismissal to the current Chief of Army Staff Rukmangat Katwal and others according to army law.
It also stated that 19 pro-democracy activists were killed and 9194 were injured during the April movement for democracy.
The Commission was formed in May 5, 2006 under the chairmanship of former justice of the Supreme Court Krishna Jung Rayamajhi.
Other members in the commission were former President of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists Harihar Birahi, former Vice president of Nepal Bar Association Ram Prasad Shrestha, advocate Ram Kumar Shrestha and General Secretary of Nepal Doctors' Association Dr Kiran Shrestha. The commission took about five months to prepare the report. It had interrogated 296 persons and recommended action against 202.
PM Koirala assured the commissioners he would take action against guilty persons. "I will study and implement the recommendations," commissioner Birahi quoted Koirala as saying.
Two commissioners submit separate report
Two commissioners, Ram Kumar Shrestha and Dr Kiran Shrestha opposed the recommendation procedures in the commission's final report and submitted their separate six-page report to the Prime Minister.
Ram Kumar said he had some disagreements over the recommendation procedures in the report. "We were not allowed to write our note of dissent. So we submitted our separate report," Shrestha said. He, however, refused to divulge details of the separate report. "It is a confidential report and I don't want to make it public until the PM speaks out on it," he said.
Those charged of corruption are Kamal Thapa, Home Minister and Shris Shumshere Rana, state minister for Information. The king and his Council of Ministers have been implicated for abuse of authority in the April atrocities.
A source at the commission said there is no law to take action against the king and cabinet members who are not in authority.
A source at the commission said there is no law to take action against the king and cabinet members, who are not in authority. "The king, being the head of the executive must own responsibility," the source said. "And the existing parliament must formulate law in this regard."
In an 1184-page report submitted to Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on Monday, the commission also recommended corruption charges against three ministers - Kamal Thapa, home minister; Shrisha Shumshere Rana, minister of state for Information and Communications; Tanka Dhakal, minister for Local Development; and Pyar Jung Thapa, Chief of Nepali Army during the royal regime.
Former Home Minister Thapa has been charged of misappropriating Rs 10 million, Rana - Rs 4 million, Dhakal - Rs 1.5 million and Army chief Thapa - Rs 20 million from state funds during the royal regime.
"All the charged ministers and the army chief had admitted to having misused state funds during their interrogation with the commission," the source said.
The report, divided into three volumes, has also recommended murder charges against 15 security personnel, including Senior Superintendent of Armed Police Force (APF) Durja Kumar Rai, Major Rabi KC, Major Anish Rijal and APF Sub Inspector Ram Kumar Khatri.
Durja has been found guilty of opening fire in Kalanki on April 20, where five pro-democracy protesters were killed and Khatri was held responsible for killing a woman in Banepa during the April movement.
Similarly, the report has recommended dismissal from public position of the then Chief Secretary Lok Man Singh Karki, APF SSP Madhav Thapa and Chief District Officer of Kathmandu Sushil Ghimire for misusing authority during the royal regime.
The report has also recommended to the government that it issue a warning of dismissal to the current Chief of Army Staff Rukmangat Katwal and others according to army law.
It also stated that 19 pro-democracy activists were killed and 9194 were injured during the April movement for democracy.
The Commission was formed in May 5, 2006 under the chairmanship of former justice of the Supreme Court Krishna Jung Rayamajhi.
Other members in the commission were former President of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists Harihar Birahi, former Vice president of Nepal Bar Association Ram Prasad Shrestha, advocate Ram Kumar Shrestha and General Secretary of Nepal Doctors' Association Dr Kiran Shrestha. The commission took about five months to prepare the report. It had interrogated 296 persons and recommended action against 202.
PM Koirala assured the commissioners he would take action against guilty persons. "I will study and implement the recommendations," commissioner Birahi quoted Koirala as saying.
Two commissioners submit separate report
Two commissioners, Ram Kumar Shrestha and Dr Kiran Shrestha opposed the recommendation procedures in the commission's final report and submitted their separate six-page report to the Prime Minister.
Ram Kumar said he had some disagreements over the recommendation procedures in the report. "We were not allowed to write our note of dissent. So we submitted our separate report," Shrestha said. He, however, refused to divulge details of the separate report. "It is a confidential report and I don't want to make it public until the PM speaks out on it," he said.
Those charged of corruption are Kamal Thapa, Home Minister and Shris Shumshere Rana, state minister for Information. The king and his Council of Ministers have been implicated for abuse of authority in the April atrocities.
A source at the commission said there is no law to take action against the king and cabinet members who are not in authority.
Sunday, November 19, 2006
प्रस्तािवत संिवधान
प्रस्तावना
- नेपाल एउटा संघीय गणतन्त्र हो, एउटा पूर्ण, पारदर्शी लोकतन्त्र हो, सार्वभौमसत्ता जनतामा िनिहत रहेको देश हो।
धारा १ : संसद
- एक राज्यको १०० गरी जम्मा ३०० सीट भएको प्रितिनिध सभा र १०० सीट भएको राज्य सभा हुनेछ। प्रत्येक प्रितिनिध सभा सीट लगभग बराबर जनसंख्याको आधारमा हुनेछ र िजल्ला सीमानालाई मान्ने छैन। संसदको म्याद ४ वर्ष हो। प्रितिनिध सभाको िनर्वाचनमा पाएको मतको आधारमा समानुपाितक िकिसमले पार्टीहरूले राज्य सभामा सीट पाउनेछन्। कम्तीमा १% मत पाउने पार्टी त्यसको हकदार हुनेछ।
- संसदको िक्रयाकलाप प्रत्यक्ष प्रसारण गर्ने अिधकार िमिडयालाई हुनेछ।
- दिलत, मधेशी, जनजाित र मिहलाले प्रितिनिध सभा र राज्य सभामा आरक्षण पाउनेछन्। ५, १०, ९ र १२%। आफ्नो जनसंख्याको २५%। मिहलाले दिलत, मधेशी, जनजाितले पाउनेको कम्तीमा आधा पाउनेछन् र थप, जम्माको ३३% पुग्ने गरी। मिहलाले पाउने ३३% मा कमसेकम २।३ दिलत, मधेशी, जनजाित हुनुपर्नेछ। मुसलमानले १ र नेवारले १ सीट पाउनेछन्। प्रितिनिध सभाकालािग आरिक्षत िनर्वाचन क्षेत्र हुनेछन्।
- अारक्षण पाएको कुनै समूहको संख्या संसदमा बढेर त्यस समूहको रािष्ट्रय जनसंख्याको समानुपाितक ७५% पुगेमा अारक्षण समाप्त हुनेछ। जम्मा सीटको ५०% भन्दा बढी अारक्िषत गर्न पाइने छैन। सेन्सस्का दौरान प्रत्येक व्यक्ितले अाफ्नो तीन सामूिहक पिहचान अंिगत गराउन पाउनेछ। पिहलो मिहला, पुरुष। त्यसपिछ प्रमुख सामूिहक पिहचान, जस्तो िक दिलत, मधेशी, जनजाित। तेस्रो अन्य। मिहलाले संसदमा ५०% सहभािगता नपाएसम्म ३३% अारक्षण कायम रहनेछ। त्यसपिछ प्रमुख सामूिहक पिहचानमा पर्ने समूहहरुले जुन समूहको राष्िट्रय जनसंख्याको रहेको भागको कमसेकम ४०% संसदमा छैन, त्यसले अारक्षण पाउनेछ।
- संसदले रािष्ट्रय स्तरका सबै सवालहरूमा बहुमतद्वारा िनर्णय गर्ने छ। संसद िनयमावलीकालािग ६०% मत चािहनेछ। नेपालले सही गर्ने अन्तर्रािष्िट्रय सिन्धहरु संसदले ६०% मतद्वारा पािरत गर्नुपर्नेछ।
- संसदले मतदान गर्ने प्रत्येक िबल नेपाली, िहन्दी र अंग्रेजीमा इन्टरनेटमा कमसेकम ७ िदन रािखनुपर्ने छ।
- संसद सेशनमा रहेको बेला गम्भीर अपराधकालािग बाहेक कुनै पिन सांसदलाई िगरफ्तार गर्न पाइने छैन। संसदमा बोिलएको कुनै पिन वचनमािथ कानून लाग्ने छैन।
- सभामुखलाई संसदमा मतको अिधकार हुने छैन। संसदको बैठक कमसेकम तीन मिहनामा एक पटक बस्नुपर्ने छ।
- राजनीितक पार्टीले िनजी क्षेत्रमा पैसा उठाउन वर्िजत गिरन्छ। रािष्ट्रय संसदीय चुनावमा कमसेकम १% मत ल्याउने पार्टी रािष्ट्रय पार्टी हो, र प्रत्येक रािष्ट्रय पार्टीले आफुले पाएको मतको आधारमा समानुपाितक िकिसमले राज्यबाट पैसा पाउनेछ।
- कुनै पिन पार्टीको कुनै पिन पदको िटकट कसले पाउने भन्ने कुराको िनर्णय त्यस पार्टीको सो वा सो स्तरभन्दा मुिनको सदस्यले लोकतािन्त्रक तिरकाले गर्नेछन्।
- प्रत्येक चुनावकालािग िनर्वाचन आयोगले बढीमा कित रकम खर्च गर्न पाउने भनेर तोक्ने छ। स्वतन्त्र उम्मेदवारले आफ्नै िनजी रकम मात्र खर्च ग्रन पाउने छन्। स्वतन्त्र उम्मेदवारले यिद चुनाव िजतेमा कमसेकम १ वर्ष कुनै रािष्ट्रय पार्टीको सदस्यता िलन पाउने छैनन्। कुनै पार्टीले सदस्यता शुल्क वर्षको बढीमा रू ६० राख्न पाउने छन्।
- सरकारी तलब खाने प्रत्येक व्यिक्तले आफ्नो पािरवािरक सम्पित्त िववरण वार्िषक िदन पर्ने छ।
- सरकारले खर्च गर्ने सबै रकमको अिनतम पैसा सम्मको िहसाब पारदर्शी राख्न पर्ने छ। राज्य र राष्ट्र स्तरका सम्पुरण संसदीय बहसहरू पारदर्शी रािखने छन्।
- देशको प्रत्येक िनर्वािचत पदािधकारीलाई तलबको व्यव्स्था हुनेछ।
- १८ वर्ष उमेर पुगेको प्रत्येक नागिरकलाई मतको अिधकार हुनेछ। प्रितिनिध सभा सदस्यको उमेर कम्तीमा २२ वर्ष र राज्य सभा सदस्यको उमेर कम्तीमा २५ वर्ष हुनुपर्नेछ।
- ६५% मतका आधारमा संसदले कुनै पिन सरकारी पदमा रहेको व्यिक्तलाई पदमुक्त गर्न सक्दछ। ६५% मतका आधारमा संसदले संिवधान संसोधन गर्न सक्दछ।
- संसदले वर्तमान सांसदको तलब बढाउन पाउने छैन।
- संसदलाई नया मन्त्रालय, एजेन्सी, किमशन गठन गर्ने, पुरानोलाई भंग गर्ने, मर्ज गर्ने अिधकार हुनेछ।
धारा २ : कार्यपािलका
- राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचन हुनेछ र कार्यकाल पाँच वर्षको हुनेछ। कुनै पिन उम्मेदवारले कम्ती मा ५०% मत नल्याएमा दुइ जना सबैभन्दा बढी मत ल्याउने उम्मेदवार बीच एक मिहना िभत्र दोस्रो राउण्डको िनर्वाचन हुनेछ।
- राष्ट्रपितको उम्मेदवार हुन नागिरक हुनुपर्नेछ र उमेर कमसेकम ३० वर्ष हुनुपर्नेछ।
- राष्ट्रपितको एउटा मन्त्री पिरषद हुनेछ। त्यस मन्त्री पिरषदको सदस्य हुन सांसद हुनु पर्दैन। कोही सांसद मन्त्री पिरषदमा पुगेमा उक्त व्यिक्तको संसदीय सीट िरक्त हुनेछ।
- सर्वोच्च अदालतका न्यायिधश र िनर्वाचन आयोग, भ्रष्टाचार िनवारण आयोग र केन्द्रीय बैंक जस्ता संवैधािनक रूपले स्वायत्त िनकायका किमशनर र गवर्नरको िनयुिक्त राष्ट्रपितले गर्नेछन्। त्यसरी िनयुक्त व्यिक्तले संसदमा ६०% मत पाउनु पर्नेछ। त्यस्ता किमशनर र गवर्नरको पदाविध ६ वर्षको हुनेछ।
- नेपाल सेनाको संख्या देशको जनसंख्याको ०.१% भन्दा बढी हुनेछैन। यो संिवधान लागु भएको ५ वर्ष िभत्रमा त्यसरी संख्या घटाइनुपर्नेछ। राष्ट्रपित नेपाल सेनाका कमाण्डर इन िचफ हुन्। संसदले ६५% मतका अाधारमा नेपाल सेनालाई िवघटन गर्न सक्छ।
- अाफ्नो िनजी कार्यालय, सल्लाहकार अािद बाहेक राष्ट्रपितले िनयुक्त गर्ने प्रत्येक व्यिक्तलाई अन्यथा िकटान नगिरएको अवस्थामा संसदको बहुमत चािहनेछ।
- वार्िषक बजेट राष्ट्रपितले पेश गर्ने छन् तर संसदले पािरत गर्न पर्नेछ।
- संसदले पठाउने िबल राष्ट्रपितले सही गरेपिछ त्यो कार्यान्वयन हुनेछ। संसदमा राष्ट्रपितले पिन िबल पठाउन सक्छन्।
- संसदले पठाएको िबल राष्ट्रपितले िफर्ता पठाइिदन सक्छन्। तर त्यही िबल संसदले ६५% मतले पािरत गरेमा त्यो िबल राष्ट्रपितले सही गर्नै पर्नेछ।
- संसदले पठाएको िबल राष्ट्रपितले १० िदन िभत्रमा सही नगरेमा वा वापस संसदलाई िफर्ता नपठाएमा त्यो स्वत: पािरत भएको मािननेछ।
- प्रत्येक राज्यले त्यसरी नै एउटा गवर्नर िनर्वािचत गर्नेछ।
धारा ३ : न्यायपािलका
- गाउँ।शहर, िजल्ला, राज्य, केन्द्र गरेर प्रत्येक तहमा न्यायपािलकाको उपिस्थित रहनेछ। ठुलो जनसंख्या रहेका गाउँ।शहर र िजल्लामा त्यसै अनुसारको ठुलो उपिस्िथित रहनेछ। िजल्ला र राज्य बीच एउटा अर्को लेयर रहनेछ, प्रत्येक राज्यमा ५ वटा कोर्ट अफ अिपल्स। गाउँ।शहर र िजल्ला स्तरमा दक्ष स्थानीय व्यिक्तलाई रािखनु पर्नेछ। स्थानीयको पिरभाषा राज्य सरकारले गर्नेछ।
- न्यायपािलकालाई दुरुस्त प्रशासनयन्त्रको रुपमा िवकास गिरनेछ।
- सर्वोच्च न्यायालयका न्यायाधीशहरूले ६५ वर्षको उमेरसम्म सेवा गर्नेछन्। सोभन्दा अगािड स्वेच्छाले अवकाश प्राप्त गर्न सक्नेछन्।
- राज्य र केन्द्रका सर्वोच्च न्यायालयहरुलाई राज्य र केन्द्रका संसदहरुले पािरत गरेका कानूनको वैधािनकता बारे बहस र िनर्णय गर्ने अिधकार हुनेछ। तर अवैधािनक घोिषत भएका कानूनलाई संसदले ६५% मतले फेिर पािरत गरेमा त्यसको वैधािनकता कायम हुनेछ।
- संसदले कुनै न्यायाधीशको तलब घटाउन पाउने छैन।
- न्यायपािलकालाई दुरुस्त प्रशासनयन्त्रको रुपमा िवकास गिरनेछ।
धारा ४ : राज्यहरू
- कोशी, गण्डकी, कर्णाली गरी तीन राज्य हुनेछन्। देशलाई २५ िजल्लामा बाँिडनेछ। प्रत्येक राज्यमा २०० सीट भएको प्रितिनिध सभा र ५० सीट भएको राज्य सभा हुनेछ। केन्द्रीय स्तरको एक क्षेत्रलाई राज्य स्तरमा दुईमा बाँिडनेछ।
- गाउँ।शहर र िजल्ला स्तरका सरकारहरुको िनर्वाचन प्रिक्रया, बनौट अािद बारे प्रत्येक राज्यको संसदले छुट्टा छुट्टै िनर्णय गर्नेछन्।
- केन्द्र स्तरको बजेटको ५% १० वटा प्रित व्तक्ित सबैभन्दा कम अाय भएका िजल्लाहरूलाई जनसंख्याका अाधारमा समनुपाितक िकिसमले हस्तान्तरण गिरनेछ।
- इन्कम ट्याक्स यस प्रकार बाँिडनेछ: ५०% केन्द्र, ३०% राज्य, १०% िजल्ला, र १०% गाउँ।शहर। तर इन्कम ट्याक्स कलेक्शन केन्द्रले मात्र गर्नेछ।
- इन्कम ट्याक्सबाट बाहेक अन्य स्रोतबाट अाएको अायबाट बनेको बजेट पिन केन्द्रले ५०% राखी बाँकी तीन राज्यलाई जनसंख्याका अाधारमा समनुपाितक िकिसमले हस्तान्तरण गर्नेछ। राज्यले ५०% राखी बाँकी िजल्लालाई जनसंख्याका अाधारमा समनुपाितक िकिसमले हस्तान्तरण गर्नेछ। िजल्लाले ५०% राखी बाँकी गाउँ।शहरलाई जनसंख्याका अाधारमा समनुपाितक िकिसमले हस्तान्तरण गर्नेछ।
- १० कक्षासम्म िनजी, सरकारी, स्वायत्त एवं अन्य िवद्यालयमा त्रीभाषीय िशक्षा लागू हुनेछ। १० कक्षापिछ कुन भाषामा पठनपाठन हुने कुरा प्रत्येक िशक्षण संस्थानले अाफै िनर्णय गर्नेछ। प्रत्येक िवद्यार्थीको एउटा प्रथम भाषा हुनेछ। दोस्रो भाषा नेपाली हुनेछ। नेपाली नै प्रथम भाषा भएकाले नेपालमा बोिलने कुनै पिन भाषालाई अाफ्नो दोस्रो भाषा बनाउन सक्नेछन्। तेस्रो भाषा अंग्रेजी। ५ कक्षापिछ गिणत र िवग्यान अंग्रेजीमा पढाइनेछ। अरू िवषय कुन भाषामा पढाउने भन्ने िनर्णय गर्ने अिधकार िजल्ला सरकारको िशक्षा सिमितलाई हुनेछ। िनजी क्षेत्रका िवद्यालयले त्यो िनर्णय अाफैं गर्नेछन्।
- गाउँ।शहर र िजल्ला स्तरका सरकारहरुको कामकाज नेपाली बाहेक अरू पिन भाषामा हुने िनर्णय िजल्ला सरकारले गर्न सक्नेछ।
धारा ५ : व्यिक्त
- व्यिक्त राज्यको सबैभन्दा महत्वपूर्ण अंग हो। मानव अिधकारको घोषणापत्र यस संिवधानको आधारिशला हो।
- प्रत्येक व्यिक्तलाई वाक स्वतन्त्रता, शािन्तपूर्ण रूपले भेला हुने स्वतन्त्रता, धर्मको स्वतन्त्रता हुनेछ। प्रत्येक व्यिक्तलाई स्पीिड, पब्िलक ट्रायलको र प्राइभसीको अिधकार छ। एउटै अपराधकालािग दुई पटक मुद्दा चलाउन पाइने छैन। कसैले अाफै िवरूद्ध साक्षी बस्नुपर्ने छैन। कानुनी प्रिक्रयाद्वारा बाहेक कसैलाई स्वतन्त्रता र सम्पित्तबाट वंिचत गिरने छैन। िनजी सम्पित्त पब्िलक कामकालािग कम्पेनशेसन निदइ जफत गर्न पाइने छैन। अित ठूलो बेल अथवा जिरवाना लगाइने छैन। क्रुर सजाय िदइने छैन। रीट अफ हेिबयस कोर्पस सस्पेण्ड गिरने छैन। िवगतका काम कारवाही समेट्ने गरी कानून पािरत गिरने छैन। िबना स्पष्ट कारण वारण्ट जारी गिरने छैन। जारी गिरएको वारण्टमा कुन ठाउँ खोजतलाशी गर्ने, कुन व्यक्ित समात्ने, के सम्पित्त जफत गर्ने कुरा स्पष्ट हुनु पर्नेछ। अपराधको दोष लागेको व्यक्ितले अिनवार्य रूपले अाफ्नो पक्षमा साक्षी खडा गर्न पाउने व्यवस्था हुन पर्नेछ, र कानूनी सेवाको अिधकार हुनेछ।
- नेपालमा जन्मेको प्रत्येक व्यिक्त नेपाली नागिरक हो। तर नेपालमा नजन्मेको व्यक्ितलाई पिन नागिरक बनाउने प्रावधान रािखनेछ।
- कानूनका दृष्िटले प्रत्येक व्यिक्त बराबर हो।
- कुनै पिन व्यिक्तले अाफ्नो अायको ४०% भन्दा बढी अाय कर ितर्न पर्ने छैन। अाम्दानीका िहसाबले तल्लो ४०% जनसंख्याले अाय कर ितर्नेे छैनन्।
- कुनै पिन िबजनेसले अाफ्नो मुनाफाको ३०% भन्दा बढी अाय कर ितर्न पर्ने छैन। तल्लो ३०% िबजनेसले अाय कर ितर्नेे छैनन्। िबजनेस संचालन र िवस्तारमा लाग्ने खर्चमा कर लाग्ने छैन।
- सेल्स ट्याक्स १०% भन्दा बढी हुने छैन, र राज्यद्वारा मात्र उसूल गिरनेछ।
- कुनै पिन स्तरको िनर्वाचन शिनवार मात्र अायोजना गिरने छ।
- जेलमा रहेका बाहेक कुनै पिन नागिरकलाई मतािधकारबाट विञ्चत गराइने छैन।
- अाजीवन िशक्षा लक्ष्य हो।
- प्रत्येक िशक्षण संस्थाले अाफ्नो १०% िवद्यार्थीलाई पूर्ण छात्रवृित प्रदान गरेको हुनुपर्नेछ। ५% पूर्ण छात्रवृित र १०% अर्द्ध छात्रवृित पिन प्रदान गर्न सक्नेछ। ५% पूर्ण छात्रवृित, ६% अर्द्ध छात्रवृित र ६% एक ितहाइ छात्रवृित पिन प्रदान गर्न सक्नेछ।
- िशक्षा र स्वास्थ्य क्षेत्रका उही तहका सरकारी करमचारीलाई अरु क्षेत्रकालाई भन्दा १०% बढी तलब िदइनेछ।
- सबैलाई िनशुल्क प्राथिमक स्वास्थ्य र १० कक्षासम्म िशक्षा उपलब्ध गराइनेछ। माइक्रो क्रेिडट उपलब्ध गराइनेछ।
- २०,००० रुप्याभन्दा बढीको पैसा लोन िदने काममा लागेको प्रत्येक व्यक्ितले िबजनेसको रुपमा रेिजस्टर गरेको हुनुपर्नेछ। ती िबजनेस रेगुलेट गिरनेछन्।
- कमसेकम १० वर्षमा एक पटक सेन्सस् गिरनेछ।
धारा ६ : राजधानी
- १० वर्ष िभत्रमा देशको राजधानी सारेर काठमाण्डुबाट िचतवन पुर्याइनेछ। कोशी, गण्डकी, कर्णालीको राजधानी उदयपुर, िचतवन र सुर्खेत हुनेछ।
http://projectnd.blogspot.com/ thanks for Paramendra Kumar Bhagat
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